1807. Sir John troduce another system. He would have supported the Catholic Officers Bill, if it had been brought forward as likely to be beneficial. But the late ministers adopted that bill only as a compromise to get rid of the larger Catholic question, a compromise, which was despised by the Catholics. He charged the late ministers with omitting to serve the Catholics on the most essential points, on the point of national education, without which it was nugatory to think of any extension of rights to the lower classes. What had the late ministers done towards the necessary diffusion of knowledge? Had they ever done any thing to remedy the mischiefs arising from the mode of collecting tythes? These were the things, that principally required to be remedied in Ireland. A country worthy of better treatment, and whose hardy sons, if properly encouraged, are the best bulwark of Great Britain. Sir John Newport hoped, that when he should have satisfied (Mr. Gore) of the attention paid by the late ministers to the education of the people of Ireland, and the formation of an arrangement on the subject of tythes, he would be entitled to count on his vote, and that they would be restored to the good opinion he had of them a month since. The statute book would prove, that one of the * Certain it is, that several salutary acts were added to the `statute book during the Bedford administration: but they were not generally felt by the people. It is in nature, that if a great and vital object be ardently desired and reasonably expected, the disappointment at its rejection or refusal will render the suf first acts of the late administration had been to institute a commission to enquire into the application ferers for want of it insensible to smaller benefits, which they had not petitioned for or even anticipated. An act of the preceding session was repealed, which charged a duty of 3s. upon certain small tenements or dwelling-houses. The Additional Force Act was repealed. An act was passed for regulating controverted elections of members to serve in Parliament: an act for continuing for 21 years several acts relating to the lighting and cleansing of towns in Ireland: for regulating the supply of Dublin with coals, and for encouraging collieries in Ireland. Numerous acts (14 in all) were passed for regulating and securing the collection of the revenues of the customs and excise, and for preventing frauds and imposing new taxes. Useful acts were passed, for better regulating and providing for the poor, and the management of the infirmaries and hospitals: for reviving an act for enabling the Lord Lieutenant to appoint commissioners for enquiring into the funds and revenues granted for the purpose of education, and enquiring into the state and conditions of schools in Ireland, and an act for amending the act for the relief of the poor of the preceding session. One act was passed on the 19th of February 1807, which gave great dissatisfaction to many in Ireland, and created jealousies and suspicions, that the country was intended to be coerced under the new ministers, as it had been under their predecessors. Although the Threshers had been suppressed, as the ministers boasted, by the vigor of the common law, many considered the gunpowder act, as the re-introduction of strong measures, for which no reason appeared, nor had even been declared by the government: that was, an act," To continue for the term of seven years certain acts "of the parliament of Ireland, for preventing the importation " of arms, gunpowder and ammunition, and the making, re 1 " moving, selling, and keeping of gunpowder, arms, and am"munition without licence." The temporary act for this purpose, which was the 40th of Geo. III. would, if not renewed, have expired by effluxion of time on the 1st of August 1807. The protraction of this restrictive measure for so long a period, 1807. 1807 of the funds vested in Ireland, for the purposes of public education. These funds the noble Lord opposite, (Lord Castlereagh) now a member of the cabinet, and then at the head of the Irish government, had suffered to remain shamefully misapplied to individual interests and corrupt purposes, though the report of a committee had imperiously called upon him to reform them. The correction of abuses always excited the hostility of a number of corrupt individuals, and no doubt the late ministers felt the mischief of exciting a faction so powerful, and the present ministers felt the benefit of the resentment. In Ireland the funds, that were established originally for public education, were suffered to be applied for a century for mere private benefit, and the determination of the late government to reclaim them had excited the animosity of those interested. With respect to the tythes also, the late government had nearly arranged a plan, which would do much to tranquillize the country; and he could assure the House, that without an arrangement with respect to the tythes, Ireland never would be in the situation it ought. Measures of this nature were not to be expected from men, who raised a cry, that the church was in danger, merely to get themselves into power. The nobleman, who at present held the privy seal, (Lord Westmoreland) who had granted all the bespoke no expectation or promise of a speedy change of system from a change of ministers. Whether necessary or not for the tranquillity of the nation, it certainly had the effect of encreas ing discontent and disaffection. church livings in Ireland, two or three together, and the persons of the other side, who had agreed, at the time of the Union, to grant just forty-two times as much as the late Catholic bill proposed to grant, were certainly well entitled to raise this cry of the danger of the church, and to come into power to protect it. He, for one, though he had supported the Union with his best exertions, would have never consented to it, nor would all the intrigues, nor all the gold lavished to carry it have succeeded, unless there had been a full assurance, that the Catholic measures would immediately follow upon it. Ireland would force itself upon the consideration of the House and of the Empire, of which it was a vital part; it was in vain to overlook the wants and the interests, the expectations and the rights of Ireland; it was in vain to trifle with the pledges given; Ireland must have its weight, for it must be felt, that the common enemy could not be resisted without Ireland. The pledge, given under the authority of the noble Lord opposite, could not be evaded, though the noble Lord may not act as it required him. The noble Duke at the head of the present government had given a still stronger pledge. He had written two letters to two officers of the Irish Brigades, inviting them to enter into the service of this country, on the promise of making the Irish act of 1793 general, and further, of opening the whole military career to them. ney. 1807. Mr. Tierney began by observing, that although Mr. Tierthe gentlemen on the other side stated expressly, 1907. that his Majesty had no adviser in this instance, |