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propose any measure connected with it. As far as personal motives operated in this demanel, I am convinced, that they were of the purest description. For during the short time, that I had the honor of being in his Majesty's service, I have had frequent opportunities of remarking his Majesty's gracious and benevolent affection for his people, and the anxious desire, by which he is z urged to promote their welfare. As far, therefore,
Sir, as his Majesty was personally concerned, I can have no doubt,, that in this demand he was actuated by the most honorable and conscientious í motives alone. But neither I, nor any of my col1 leagues being able to assent to this requisition,
we stated to his Majesty the impossibility of our
complying with it. The next day his Majesty, in - the same gracious manner, that we have been ac
customed to experience from him, informed us, that he must look out for new servants. Two days afterwards I was authorised to state this circumstance to the House, and on Tuesday last lais » Majesty signified his pleasure, that we should re
sign our offices next day. This is a statement of
the whole transaction, as far as it can be stated, : without a reference to the various documents, that
I have described. I much wish, that those documents, in an unmutilated state, were before the House and the public; and if his Majesty will be graciously pleased to give orders to his servants to produce them, I for one shall be grateful. Those documents will bear me completely out in the assertions; first, that we did not propose the inea
1807. sure to his Majesty without having sufficient mo
tives for so doing: secondly, that we did not propose the measure to Parliament without sufficient reason to be satisfied, that it had his Majesty's concurrence: thirdly, that when we discovered his Majesty's unsurmountable objection to the measure, we fulfilled our duty by acceding to it; and that in adding the respectful request to allow us the liberty to state our opinions on that subject, and to propose to his Majesty any future measure, that we might think expedient, accompanied with the assurance of our anxiety for his Majesty's personal ease and comfort, instead of improperly pressing the question on his Majesty, we were simply doing that, which nat to have done, would have been to have justly subjected ourselves to the reproach of
every honest and honorable mind. Fffects of No change in his Majesty's councils ever pro: stitutional duced so violent an embarrassment amongst the pledge.
persons calling themselves King's Men, as the present. The unconstitutional pledge against the oath of a privy counsellor was too rank and glaring to be openly abetted by any man, who even pretended to principle. The progress of the transaction for the first three weeks was too substantially established to admit the surmise of any misconception. And his Majesty's offer to continue his servants, if they would sign the pledge demanded, was a full refutation of any intended imposition or deception : against which it would be no security, when signed.
- Lord Hard,
Ireland had been governed for five years by Lord 1907. Hardwicke, during which he and his undermana- Lord Hard
o wicke's augers had contrived to keep the grand question of dience of the emancipation at rest, under a hollow semblance king. of conciliation. It was natural therefore for his Lordship to sympathize with those, who had openly professed, that their aim was to continue that system of keeping the Irish Catholics satisfied and quiet without the attainment of what he had been
expressly sent over to prevent their enjoying. His • Lordship having had serious differences with Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Foster in the latter end of his vice-
1804., out dismissing them. He humbly ventured to ad
vise his Majesty to stop there ; persuaded, that it would be most for the quiet and peace of his Majesty's mind.' Those, who were to succeed in the ministry, were in his firm opinion of them, and from their having formerly sbrunk from those situations utterly unequal to carry on the govern. ment. The appointment of such a ministry must end in a dissolution of Parliament. A violent measure at that time ; and one, in which so feeble a ministry must have recourse to religious violence, the base cry of no Popery, Church in danger, &c.; and they would necessarily divide his Majesty's subjects. He had been five years in Ireland, and he was sure, that such a violent spirit raised in England, must tend to alienate the Irish still more from the English, by obligiog them to consider the English as décidedly hostile to the success of their petition. His Majesty must know, that the present ministers had gained voices in Ireland in the late elections; and that they had since become still more popular by the enquiries they had instituted, by avoiding taxes, and by consulting upon many occasions the interests and the wishes of the people. And for all those reasons, he humbly offered his advice to his Majesty to retain his present ministers. The King was exceedingly civil in his manner, said very little, but observed during the conversation, that those, who had advised him to dismiss his ministers, meant very well, at any rate.
The contest between the old and the new minis, , 1807. ters, was kept up longer, and with more tenacity, Violent difthan was ever before known upon a change of go-the two." vernment. The dismissed were charged by the par new ministers with the unconstitutional indecency of dragging their Sovereign to the bar of the House of Commons, to, take issue with his subjects upon his avowed right of dismissing and appointing bis servants. They were also seriously arraigned of a long systematic plan for overturning the established religion and constitution, which was industriously supported throughout the country by fomenting and spreading the inflammable and dangerous cry of no Popery, and Church in Danger. On the other hand, so glaringly unconstitutional did the dismissal of the late ministers appear to the parties dismissed, that they trusted a full exposition of the case would inevitably reinstate them. They determined therefore to take issue with the nation upon the simple and broad question. Must not every act of royalty have a responsible adviser ? Never before was the entire weight of the court and government so powerfully brought into action against the independence and virtue of the coun: try. The very words of a privy counsellor's oath disclose his duties, and the dreadful responsibility of the adviser of such a pledge. He swears, ” faithfully and truly to declare his mind and opi“nion according to his heart and conscience in all " things to be inoved, treated and debated in : “ council.” A pledge of that sort would bind a man to direct perjury and the connivance at the