cumstances, Sir, it is impossible in the fulfilment 1807. of my duty to myself, to my colleagues, to the House, and to the country, to suffer such a period to elapse before I make this explanation, as must necessarily intervene, ere the persons, to whom I have alluded, can resume their seats in Parliament. Their absence, however, will have this effect; it will induce me to confine myself as closely as possible to a dry statement of facts. It is well known, Sir, that when the late administration was formed, it contained in it many members, whose opinions and principles on what is termed the Catholic question had been recently manifested in that most authentic way, in which the opinions and principles of public men can be manifested, by their speeches and votes in Parliament. They came into administration, therefore, with a general knowledge of those principles and opinions; for certainly no expectation could have been entertained, that those persons, whose characters were sufficiently known, would be willing, for the sake of any considera tions of emolument, to abandon principles, which they had so lately and warmly espoused. No such requisition, was proposed to them; if it had, it would have been incumbent on them, in support of their honor, and I am sure, that they would have felt it strongly to be their duty then, as now, to decline office. While I assert, that the sentiments of the greater part of the members of the late administration on this subject were well known. "of his Majesty's privy council." Such breach and abuse of cabinet secrets command deep reflection. 1807. on their coming into power, I do not pretend to deny, that the difficulties, which existed in the way of any farther concession to the Catholics of England and Ireland were also well known. But as they came into office unfettered, and free to offer their advice on this important question, so also, I will answer for every individual of them, they came into office with a sincere desire, while they adhered to their principles, to avoid every subject, that might prove repugnant to those feelings, which they were bound, by every motive of duty, of affectiou, and of attachment, to respect. This was the state of the case; their opinions on the Catholic question were well known; but they hoped, by a conciliatory mode of government to keep the question at rest. For a long time no difficulty occurred; at length, towards the end of last year, some circumstances took place in the West of Ireland, the most valuable, and (I much fear) the most vulnerable part of the empire, which called upon his Majesty's ministers for attention, and which strongly excited the anxiety, that such circumstances must naturally excite. Unwilling to use that force, which, but two days after the meeting of this Parliament, was strongly recommended by a person in that House (Mr. Perceval) who was too impatient to wait for the operation of the more lenient measures, his Majesty's ministers hoped (and that hope was gratified) to reduce the spirit of disturbance, that had been manifested, by a vigorous exertion of the power of the laws alone, without resorting to any intemperate proceedings. This occurrence, however, naturally led to the consideration of some measure, which might at once give satisfaction to the people of Ireland, and strengthen the means and policy of the Empire. Various were the propositions, that were agitated in the cabinet, but that, which was deemed to be the most advantageous, was what I had the honor of recommending to the adoption of this House. It appeared to us calculated to be highly beneficial to the Empire at large, by affording the means of recruiting, to the greatest possible extent, the army .and the navy, from which so many persons are now excluded by what we conceive to be weak and ill understood policy. It appearad to us calculated to be highly beneficial to Ireland for the reasons, which I have before stated in this House, as tending to tranquillize that country, by holding out to the gentry the prospect of rising in the military and naval services, and thus attaching them to this country; and also by affording a vent to the perhaps superabundant population of Ireland, and thus drawing from the sources of discontent, the means of strength and union. While this measure was under the consideration of his Majesty's ministers, letters were received from the Lord Lietuenant of Ireland, in which his Grace stated, that disposition had arisen among the Catholics to prosecute the claims, which they had so lately and so unsuccessfully urged in the Imperial Parliament. I was the known supporter of those claims, but I could not avoid considering the prosecution of them, at that moment, as most impolitic. As far 1807. 1807. Lord Howick continues on the goernment pledge. as my private opinion went, I did strongly recommend the discontinuance of any such attempt. The impartial measure then under contemplation appeared admirably suited to induce that discontinuance, and that discontinuance was effected. Such, Sir, were our inducements of policy and principle. But we had also another inducement; we did hope, that the limited measure would not encounter the opposition, to which we well knew the general question was exposed. In reverting to the act of the Irish Parliament of 1793, we found, that a pledge had been given by the highest servants of the Crown, that a similar measure would be brought forward in this country. This was recorded in the Secretary of State's office, by a dispatch from Lord Hobart, in which he distinctly stated the fact. This becoming a question, not of policy alone, but also of good faith, we did hope, that the limited measure might receive the assent and approbation of what, on the more 'general question, we were aware there was no hope; and which 'general question we therefore studiously avoided. On these grounds, the measure, that I had the honor of introducing into the House, was submitted to his Majesty. A detailed dispatch, which I wish it was in my power to lay upon the table, was written to the Lord Lieute nant of Ireland, stating explicitly the motives of this measure, and this detailed dispatch was sent to his Majesty, accompanied by a cabinet minister, From that first proposition, his Majesty certainly expressed a strong dissent. On that dissent having been made known to them, the cabinet deliberated, and the result was, a respectable representation to his Majesty of the grounds, on which they thought the measure expedient. To those representations was returned an answer, in which his Majesty, with considerable reluctance, unquestionably signified his assent; certainly with reluctance; but it was a positive assent, Under the sanction of that assent, the dispatch was sent to the Lord Lieutenant. At a conference with some of the Catholics in Ireland, Mr. Elliott, the Secretary of State, informed them of the separate measure, which it was intended to propose. Some discussion ensued; and to a question from a Mr. O'Connor, whether every rank in the army were to be open to the Catholics, or whether they were still to be precluded from the staff, Mr. Elliott's answer was, that as the words of the dispatch implied, that the Catholics would be allowed to hold any commissions in the army, on taking the oath of allegiance, he conceived that the staff was included. A dispatch containing a special account of this conference, was sent to his Majesty's government at home, and soon after a second dispatch, in which it was stated, that the subject had been referred to the consideration of a general meeting of the Catholics, by whom, notwith standing the doubts, that had been incidentally thrown out, it was understood, that every military. situation was to be rendered accessible to them. These dispatches, Sir, containing these explicit 1807. |