« PreviousContinue »
the consequence was, that great misrepresentation 1897, took place, and their characters suffered much.
minia B. Tais Lord Mulgrave,
Admiral connai with 7.1.53...)
s a!::. ,:!:,
: Adm. Sir R. Bickerton. Lords , Com- : * in
Adm. Sir R. Bickerton, 14
of the Adr i: Robt, Ward, Esq. if
Lord Visc, Palmerston,
James Buller, Esq. . ? svi;
i ;; Right Hon. R. Dündas. President of ina i ' ''the Board of Contro ul. :;:, it!! itinut Earl Camden, t.; BI
! Protesta empresa, s
Lord Hawkesbury,: .
Lord Visc. Castlereagh, ....
insit pe Lord Louvaine, ... India - i..
Right Hon. Ț. Wallace,
* Geo. Johnstone, Esq. 1.! ! ! "*" po.. Lord B. Somerset, Jóint Paymas
"!" Charles Long, Esq. ters :'! - April 11. ..::Geo. Rose, Treasurer of ihe Navy. ? 1.4
Baran Sutton, created Lord Manners :. . ., and Chancellor of Ireland. :: :
Earl of Chichester, Post Master Ge. ..
!!!!! néral. . :.... sive Huskinsou, Esq. 2
) Joint Secreta:... 11... ini"Hon H. Wellesley, S
ries of the
Sir Vicary Gibbs, Attorney General.
Sir A. WeHesley, Chief Secretary to
1807, To prevent similar effects, 'he spoke to the general
subject nearly as follows." 1.ord Gren. On three questions only did Mr. Pitt. and Mr. ville's Er. pose of his Fox agree during the course of their long political
lives. These were the sinking fund, the abolition of the slave trade, and what is called the Catholic question. Two of these had been carried; the first as soon as it was proposed, and the second after great delay, and having to encounter every species of artifice and misrepresentation. The third rested upon such grounds of justice and policy, that he could not conceive how any one, who understood the interests of the country could oppose it. On a former occasion, he had sacrificed objects of ambition and gratification, and he was ready to make such sacrifices again. He did it upon the principle, that four millious of subjects were to be governed by conciliation and kindness, and not by intolesance and exclusion. Different overtures were afterwards made to him for his assistance. His answer invariably was, that his Sovereign might com. mand his services, but he never would relinquish the privilege of speaking his mind on the question. An opportunity afterwards arose, when the Catholics of Ireland wished to have their case taken into consideration. They did him the honor of selecting him to present their petition, which he willingly accepted. Upon the event of the motion, which he then made, it was not necessary for him to trouble the House with any observations. The majority, who rejected it, could not have been un. derstood, as having given a lasting pledge, that
they would never accede to it. Some months after 1807. that, the country was deprived of the great Statesman, who then was at the head of his Majesty's councils. The King sent for him, 'under the impression, that he might be useful, not in supplying the loss of that great man, for that was imp
but in forming another administration. In form-' 1. ing that administration, he did recommend such
persons, as he considered to entertain sentiments inost congenial to the constitution, most of whom were known to be friends to the principle of granting every indulgence to the Catholics. When they were known to entertain such sentiments, could', he conceive, that they would be called upon to exercise their duty in any other mode than the constitution required, which was in the words of their cath, to give "full, fair, and open counsel to their Sovereign," and to advise him upon all occasions, to the best of their judgments ? No idea was ever holden out to them, that there was any objection to the concessions in favour of the Catholics. Far from it. Within these few days even, he had auy thority to say, that they came into council with“ ,'' their judgments unfettered. He would at the same time acknowledge, that it was not their intention. to press any measure of that nature, except necessity required it. · He did entertain hopes, that such a degree of satisfaction might be given to the Ca. tholics by his Majesty's representative in Ireland; he did hope, that they would find that security in the constitution of the cabinet, that they would not think it necessary to stir the question, His
1807., object, and the object of those, who acted with
him, was to knit together all classes of his Majes. ty's subjects in that country by a mild and conciliatory government. He entertained hopes; that such a system would supersede the necessity of agitating the question, particularly when it was known there were objections to it in a certain quarter, that it would be strongly, opposed in Parliament, and that there was not any prospect of success for a considerable time. Accordingly they took measures to prevent the revival of the question, and they succeeded last year. Some symptoms, however, of that disturbed state, which in his opinion could be best prevented by that measure, broke out. To the honor of the noble Duke, who represented his Majesty, they were composed, not by having recourse to harsh measures, but by civil justice alone. : The attention of ministers was soon after called to the situation of Ireland, by the representation of those, who had the best means of ascertaining the state of the public mind in that
country: Lord Grena If the Irish law were adopted, he meant the law puedcnt of 1793, would not the English Dissenter have a
right to say, “Upon what principle of justice do. " you exclude me, while you are a friend to the “ Catholic ?" For his part he was so much a fțiend to both, that he would have no distinction made, as far as regarded naval or military employment. It was therefore their opinion, that if any bill were brought forward, it should be so framed, as to include persons of all religious persuasions ;
and such was the opinion, that he, for one, thought 1807. it necessary to submit the measure to his Sovereign. Iu so doing, the most scrupulous care had been observed. The draft of the dispatch to the Lord Lieutenant, relative to the communications, which he was to have with the Catholics, was submitted to his Majesty, and met with his approhaction. This draft recited, that by an act of the Irish Parliament, the army and navy were lạid open to the people of that country, and did then propose, that it should be in his Majesty's power to give commissions, subject to a certain oath. They pointed out the difference between the law of 1793, and that, which they meant to propose; and having done that, they conceived, that they had done all, that was necessary. : After some objections his Majesty gave his consent, that the measure should be proposed, and authority was given to the Lord Lieutenant to communicate, by his Secretary, to the heads of the Catholics, that the army and navy should be opened to them. . In that interview, it' was asked. Whether it were intended, that the restriction respecting generals on the staff should be done away? And it was answered, in the words of the dispatch, that it was. The Lord Lieutenant's dispatch, stating these circumstances, was sent to his Majesty for his perusal, and returned without any remark. The draft of another dispatch, in answer to this, was also sent to the King, and returned without comment or observation of any kind. What were they to conclude from this, but that his Majesty approved of those dispatches?