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1907.

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1507, a special audience of his Majesty at Windsor. The

bill was given up or abandoned by Lord Howick, but the ministers were forced to resign; and inasmuch as the consequent change in his Majesty's councils was the triumph of the system and the empire is now groaning under their rule, it is of the last consequence to the welfare of Ireland, that the particulars of the expulsion of their predecessors and their introduction into the uncontrouled powers of the state should be faithfully placed before her eyes, as a denouement of the piece of deception so long played upon her.

; Motors Minister's · The new men, who had served in several capaavainst ihe cities under Mr. Pitt, and now lie had been dead

for some time, assumed a confidence and conse-
quence, which upon his immediate demise they
had not arrogated, but had unanimously declared
their incompetency to wield the machine of state.
They were rouzed into courage by tlie secret advi-
sers of the crown to assume the awful charge in
the strength of the court influence, and armed with
all the antiquated weapons of state intrigue, used
durmg the two last centuries, with the single ex-
ception of the cry of the Pretender. Their most.
devoted newspaper of the 6th March, having given
a list of the new arrangements, said, “ Such is the
" tiotestant administration, which his Majesty

coudon't

Catholics.

lived they had a friend, and a friend to the constitution. I nott move, lhat a petition be presented to both Houses of the Imperial Parliament, praying them to maintain the constitution in Church and State, by refusing the present demands of the Ro. man Catholics of Ireland,

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.:" firmly attached to those principles, which seated 1807. ;" his family on the throne, has appointed to re:“ place a ministry, that would have put the power 1" of the sword into the hands of Catholics, and c" have made Çatholics the generals of our armies " and the admirals of our fleets:" Mr. Pitt and his co-operators raised the question of Catholic emancipation (certainly for the immediate purposes of deception). They endeavoured to retain the affections of the Catholics hy professing a constant attachment to that object. The new men more bold, (perhaps less insincere) put every thing

in hazard, by avowing their own systematic hosti:lity to the Catholics; and denouncing all their

friends in Parliament, as determined enemies of E their King, their country, and their religion.

If the secret advisers had counselled his Majesty Real conseto dismiss his ministers upon unconstitutional que seret => grounds, it is evident, that their immediate suc-ad

cessors by accepting of their places becaine responsible for the advice, and must stand or fall by it. Although none of them should have been the ac

tual advisers of the removal of their predecessors, -- yet was it through them and by their means, that

the advice was effectuated. They must therefore give up to Parliament the secret advisers, however exalted their station, or remain responsible for the advice. The sole ground of dismissal was the refusal to give the written pledge never more to recommend under any circumstances whatever, any . further Catholic concession.' Had his Majesty dismissed them, as some wickedly gave out, be

advisers of

the crown. 1807

Result of the secret advisers council.

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cause they had attempted to impose, upon or det ceive his Majesty, who was tiinely warned of it by jp his trusty servant Lord Viscount Sidmouth, it was out of all probability, that his Majesty should af m terwards have offered to retain them in his service te upon signing a pledge. What sécurity was a secret ne or even public pledge against a deceiver and ixpostor?

Once the secret advisers of the crown had so far worked upon the royal mind, as to dismiss the Grenville administration, no chànce was to be left to repentance or retractation. Therefore the tiro most prominent of the presumed advisers Lords ] Eldon and Hawkesbury, obeyed his Majesty's commands, communicated to thein through the Duke of Cumberland, in setting off for Windsor at seven o'clock in the morning of the 19th of March; they remained there till three o'clock in the afternoon, and then returned to London to the Duke of na Portland, who was too infirm even to travel to 4 Windsor; with special instructions to advise withic his Grace upon the formation of a new administram tion : directing his Grace at the same time to take for his guidance the advice and opinion of Lord Lowther and Lord Melville. Lord Chatham was also brought up from Harwich and consulted upon the final arrangements. On the 23d of March, Lord Euston presented a petition from the Chancellor, Master and Scholars of the University of Cambridge against the bill for allowing persons of every religious persuasion to enter into the army and navy. The petition was ordered to lie on the

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1807

table ; when Mr. Dickenson rose to oppose it ; but 1807 previously called upon Lord Howick toinform the House, whether he were as yet authorized to com municate his reasons for having postponed the ed reading of the bill. His Lordship answered in the negative. At the same time, he was free to de clare that, although he had then received his Majesty's commands to deliver up his seals, his Majesty had thought proper to send for persons, not

employed as his servants, who were then actually k, engaged in forming arrangements for a new admi

nistration. The eclaircissements and minutiæ of

the cabinet tactics forced from the mouths of the s parties in this most extraordinary contest for

power, furnish more knowledge and evidence of Á the system, than all the historical documents from

the reign of Alfred to the establishment of the

doubly refined management of the court and seZnate by Sir Robert Walpole. The Expose made by

Lord Grenville in the Lords, and by Lord How, micke in the Commons on the same day forms a.

most instructive and important lesson upon the
systematic use lately made of his Majesty's mi-
nisters. After the King had declared his intention
of forming a new administration, and had actually
appointed some of his new servants on the 26th of
March, Lord Hawkesbury proposed an adjourn.
ment for some days, in order to complete the new
arrangements*, when Lord Grenville rose, and af-

: * The new ministers were appointed on several days : for the
arrangements could not be so hastily settled, as the system was
anxious to get rid of the Whig or independent part of the old

1807

1807, ter having pointed to the particular situation, in

which the government of the country then stood, he remarked, that when about six years before he and other servants of his Majesty had retired from office, they did it without explaining their motives:

ministry. It was then considered at an end, and the new appointments commenced to be made on the next day, viz.

On the 25th of March. Earl of Westmoreland to be Lord Privy

Seal.
Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary of State

for the Home Department.
Lord Visc. Castlereagh, do. Colony and

War Department.
Geo. Canning, Esq. do. for Foreign

Affairs.
On the 26th, do. Earl Camden, Lord President of the

Privy Council.
Hon. Spencer Perceval, Chancellor of

the Eschequer.
Earl Bathurst, President of the Board of

Trade.
On the 30:11, do. i - Right Hon. Geo. Rose, Vice President.
31. .

Duke of Portland,
Right Hon. S. Perceval,

'( Lords of the Marquis of Tichfield, ļ

Treasury.
Hon. W. Elliott,
Wm. Sturges Bourne,
Eail Chatham, Master General of the

Ordnance.

Sir James Pulteney, Secretary at War. Aprili.

Lord Eldon, Lord High Chancellor of

Great Britain.
Duke of Richmond, Lieut. Gen. and

Gen. Governor of Ireland.
Duke of Níontrose, Master of the Horse

20 his Majesty.

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