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tion of the legislature, and all doubt would be re- 1907.4 moved. If there were any possible utility in this provision, when it was considered, that it could be attended by no inconvenience or danger, he trusted it would meet with no objection. He had thus stated briefly the objects of the proposed bill. Briefly, because he was not aware, that in that stage, the measure would occasion any debate. The abolition of the restrictions in point of rank would place before the sons of the gentry of Ireland, those fair objects of ambition; it would open to them that course of glory, the pursuit of which was synonimous with the advancement of the best interests of the empire. On the commónalty of Ireland the measure must have a powerful effect, by affording a salutary check to the encreasing superabundant population of that country; as it would induce numbers to enter into the service of his Majesty, even of those, who by their own diseontents, and by the artifices of others, had so lately been urged into insurrection and rebellion, He therefore moved for leave to bring in a bill, for enabling his Majesty to accept the services of all his liege subjects, in the army and navy, on the terms therein mentioned. Mr. Perceval rose, not so much to object to the Mr. Perce.

" val's objecparticular measure, which was proposed, as to ex- tion, and

motion apress his fears, that this was but the beginning of greed to. a system, which would in its consequences, when fully disclosed, be highly dangerous to the constitution and Protestant establishment. He perceiv ed, that step by step, and from day to day, they


, were bringing forward measures, which he thought must end in the total repeal of the Test Act. He could not consider, that it would be for the interest of Ireland, as he was firmly persuaded, that nothing was more important for the welfare of Ireland than a Protestant establishment and a Protestant ascendancy. There was no man, who was a greater friend to toleration than himself, or who would more wish, that every person should have the free exercise of his religion ; but it was, because he was a friend to toleration, that he did not wish to favour a religion, which had been always intolerant when in power, to the prejudice of the established religion, which had always practised toleration. It was always on the ground of toleration, that those innovations were brought forward. One day, in the name of toleration, the house was called upon to grant a sum of money to educate Priests for the purpose of preaching the Catholic religion to 3,000,000 of people, and the next day they were called upon to grant still farther concessions. The reasoning of the Hon, Gentleman, who supported those perpetual concessions appeared to rest on this principle, that one religion is very nearly as good

as another, and that, therefore, no man's religion ,, should disqualify him from political power. They

seemed to think, that the reformation itself was a mere polịtical measure. The noble Lord (Howick) had professed the most decided and absolute prefe: sence for the established religion; but still be has voted for the granting funds to the preachers of the Catholic religion. Many might-suppose, that 1807. this was quite agreeable, not only to liberality and sentiment but to sound policy; but he entertained an opinion directly to the contrary. Lord Temples contended, that the whole of the argument of the Hon. Gentleman went the length of overturning every principle of policy and justice, which one sect of Christians ought to entertain for another. They were arguments better calculated for the dark. ages of unenlightened man, than for the more polished ærą of the nineteenth century. Mr. Montague and Mr. H. Browne were against the motion. Mr. Freemantle, Mr. Plomer, and Mr, Corry, spoke in favour of it. Leave was then given to bring in the bill; it was read a first time, and ordered for a second reading on that day se’nnight. In the cabinet, in the senate, in the country at Measures

on the eve large, every engine was set to work to accelerate of the and secure the explosion of the broad-bottomed charges administration, as the ministers were now usually called. Lord Sidmouth threatened to withdraw his forces from the support of government, and go over into open opposition, Petitions flowed in from different corporations against the measure. The Marquis of Titchfield presented to the House of Commons a petition from the University of Oxford against the bill. At the Quarter Assembly at Dublin, Mr. Giffard proposed a petition to Parliament against the general claims of the Catholics, and specifically against the bill then pending, which was seconded by Mr. Cope, and carried by a ma

1867., jority of 26 *. The Dukes of York and Cumber:

land, Lords Eldon and Hawkesbury had frequent

* Mr. Giffard's speech at the Post Assembly on this requisi. tion was too pointedly illustrative of the genuine spirit of the sys. tein, which had not been at any one moment extinguished dur. ing the 13 months of a supposed adverse administration, not to submit it to the reader; who will make his own remarks upon it, It prominently presses upon the political necessity of the royal Velo, and shews how strongly that gentleman sympathized with the higher powers, in separating the Catholics of Ireland from communion with that centre of unity, in which they hold the essence of the government of Christ's church upon earth to consist. After an affected preamble upon his love for his Catholie countrymen, he spoke to the following purporta “ I bave read speeches stated to have been made at Roman Catholic meetings, and not contradicted ; and I mean to found my arguments upon those speeches. If they wish to petition Parliament, let them. It is their right to do so; we can petition also, and shew our objections. A reporier of one of the speeches says, that those, who had supported them, had pow abandoned them. In, their speeches they assume, that they are the people of Ireland ; that we are but a small party; they say their's was the religion of Alfred, of our Edwards and Henrys, the conquerors of France. When Henry the Second came here, the Irish were Catholics, and if the bishops of that day could, like Elijah, have bequeathed their mantles to the present, we should embrace them as brethren, and as fellow freemen. They refused the mandates of Pope Gregory. Why don't the Priests of this day look within the realm for a head to their church? Let them renounce ohedience to a foreign State! 1 oppose only their subjugation to the Pope ! let them take tl:e oaih, that we have taken; that the King is the head of the church, and I will be the first to hail their introduction amongst us. When Henry the Second came here, all the other Kings in Europe were led by the Priests; and had not the Irish afterwards sunk into this base slavery, we would now be the liappiest people on ihe face of the globe. When the relaxation

access to his Majesty. The differences in the ca- 1807., binet were publicly canvassed. Lord Grenville had


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of the popery laws first commenced, I rejoiced at it. I was pre

sent when Mr. Gardiner and Mr. O'Neill first exercised their ta. - lents and influence to take off restrictions; and then I little

thought what the consequences would be. (Here Mr. Giffard made some animadversions upon the Catholie clergy, the subservient condition of the Pope to Bonaparte, and the accuracy of Sir Richard Musgrave's history!) We are charged with being Orangemen. But surely, when bad men conspire, good men should associate. When the Orange system bęgan, the rebellion was far advanced in its organization. Poor men, who were the country, if they had not associated, they would

have been destroyed singly. From this the gallant yeomanry *arose, Vinegar Hill witnessed their prowess. The aid of Eng3 land has been extolled. Why, England did nothing. The 1 English militia were too late. It was the Irish yeomanry retook * Wexford, and saved 17 devoted Protestants upon the point of

massacre at the bridge, each with a pike and a Priest at his throat. I am sorry to be goaded to a repetition of things. If government, and they will let us alone, we will strive to forget them. I am an Orangeman ; I speak in the presence of Orangemen, and I know nothing in the system adverse to that great

principle of the Christian faith ; love your neighbour, and do to - all men, as you would, that they should do to you. Would to El God all Protestants were Orangemen! I wish the Catholic every

enjoyment, under and consistent with our happy constitution.
I would not deprive the Jew of his synagogue; the Mahometan
of his mosque ; much less would I wish to injure the Catholic;
a fellowy. Christian, who acknowledges the same Redeemer with
myself. But I would not put a sword into the hand of a 'mad
man, as much in mercy to him, as to myself. I will propose
then to petition the House of Commons by our representatives
and the House of Lords by the son of our King, the Duke of
Cumberland, a name dear to the constitution, to whom I had the
honor of bearing an address from this house, and who was graci.
pusly pleased to desire me to tell the citizens of Dublin, while he

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