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* 1807. education at that place, and no doubt with inten
* tion to make that education the chainel of intro
ed by Bonaparte and Talleyrand, or either of them, except as | above.
- ". . rJ.T. T." Dublin, 30 January, 1908. .
?" Dublin, 24th January, 1807..
ducing and extending the political influence of the 1907. , French government in Ireland. 'Mr. May approved of tlie enducation of the Catholic clergy at home, as the means of enlightening and attaching that body to the state. Mr. Perceval's amendment was negatived, and the original sum of £13,000 voted without a division.';:;. .. -The Ministers were far from being insensible of Real conthe workiuğs of the secret cabinet against their ex- nistry.
duit of mi
declare, in the most unequivocal terms, our reprobation of stich
...:: Şigned by the Archbishops, and Bishops, o r you can
THOMAS BRAY, JOHN CRUISE,'
EDWARD DILLON, P. S. PLUNKETT,
1sum istence. They were at the same time fully sensible vor of the vast powers of the Catholic question, whey
once brought into full action to bear upon a political jutrigue. Although they had successfully kept that question at rest during the present session of Parliament, they despaired of their power of cod: tinuing so to do.,, Uufortunately for the Catholics, their cause was made the weapon both of ag. gression and defence in this virulent, and, for some time, clandestine contest for place. The government of Ireland having informed ministers, that a disposition bad arisen amongst the Catholics to prosecute their claims, they were alarmed, under the full conviction, that such prosecution would endanger their situations, Such, at the same time, was the imperious necessity for recruiting the army and navy, and such the natural apprehension, that the recruiting sources would be suspended or chioaked up in Ireland more effectually than ever, that anxiety for place, as well as zeal for the ser, vice, forced them into some sort of action upon the subject. They could no longer suppress the whole matter. Mr. Ponsonby's prudent and cautious efforts at conciliation had not kept the ques. tion at rest. Those, who took any active part in forwarding the Catholic question, ascribed no merit to government for having quieted the local turhulence of the Threshers by the arm of the law. That was a thing at all times feasible : but governa ment bąd'heretofore found it expedient to engraft political intrigue upon the occasional, (perhaps unavoidable) soreness of the peasantry, and transa
nute popular irritation at partial and temporary. 1807. calamity, into general disaffection of the Catholic body at universal and systematic oppression. The English ministers were strongly (though privately)
urged by substantial friends to them and to Irei land, not to permit such noxious practices of the i old system to be raked out of the embers of Mr.
Pitt, and lighted up into a flame by his successors. » They were reminded, that recent severities inflictxed upon Catholic soldiers (and even upon their
wives) for attending the divine service according into their own religion, at Manchester and else
where, revived the sense of former persecutions, 5. aud brought fresh into the inemories of the suffer
ers and their countrymen the many breaches of
parlianientary, government and military faith, pro- mises and engagements, upon the important head
of free exercise of religion. They were warned,
that whist that system was persisted in, an in-, Ý flexible sense of pastoral duty called upon the most
firm and regular of the Irish clergy to dehort their flocks froin enlisting. The first weak, timid measure to meet the difficulties, which in concurrence with the general disappointment and fresh irritation in Ireland at the growth of fostered Orangeįsm, forced the ministers to view the mischief in its full extent and deformity, was a notice given in the House of Commons of an intention of omitting or altering the clause in the iputiny bill, whicli obliged every soldier to attend the divine service of the established church. It was repreo sented to them, from the sa me quarter, that the
1 60%, proposed measure would not meet the evil, as it
could but affect 'the army (and that very impertectly*) but would not even remotely touch the Catholic sailor. "That 'miserably inefficient step was dropped as suddenly as it had been taken up lightly. The cabinet was reluctantly driven to adopt some other' measure.' In tlie course of some clays Lord Howick gave notice of his intention to :hove for leave to bring into the House of Commóns a bill to open the naval and niilitary services indiscriminately to all his Majesty's subjects, who sliould take an oath to be thereby prescribed. Tliat notice was the watch word to the opposition : and every engine was instantly set to work, to convert that measure of government iyto their totail overthrow. The first body of respectability out of the walls of Parliament, that was attempted to be brought forward to oppose it, was the city of London.' On the 5th of March, 1907, the Lord Mayor, aldermen and common council, being assembled in full court, upon a motion respecting the Catholics of Ireland, Mr. Deputy Birclı opened the business in a speech of considerable length, and concluded with' nioving, : • That it appears to *? this court, that 'the bill intended to be intro* duced into Parliament to permit Papists to fill os ofiices in the army and navy, under the sanc
. , *. That would only liave protected the soldier from military pains and penalties for refusing to obey the command of his officer to march to church, but would have left him open to all the pains, forfeitures and disabilities of the 25th of Char, II. and the Ist of Geo. 1.