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tween the Pope and Napoleon must infallibly create 1805. in Ireland. - As if the faith and loyalty, which the Irish had for conscience sake preserved unconța. minated for centuries, were to be altered or abandoned by the conduct of any people on the continent, 'and more especially of an implacable and formidable enemy.'. The leading part of the Irish catholics, most of Proceedings

of the Cao whom had supported the Union in plenary confi-tholics.. dence of the professions made by Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis that emancipation would immediately follow it, held frequent meetings in Dublin, in order to concert the most efficient means of rendering available Mr. Pitt's disposition to favor their cause, which they fondly assumed had returned with him into power. The general preci: pitancy of the body to bring the ministerial sin

« blood of the people of this land, as it has been and still con“ tinues to be, that 'we are to ascribe the extinction of every o charitable feeling one towards another, all the mistries, that we " have so long suffered as a nation, and that we are yet likely to “ Buffer.” A modern reader will not perhaps follow Melanchon through the dark pages of the history of Charlemagne, King Pepin, Charles Martel, and Pope Hildebrand, but will wonder at his assurance in undertaking to prove Lord Redesdale a sound divine, a prudent politician, and a consunimate statesman. De fore Melanchton, a Bishop of Meath, (Anthony Dopping; in 1695),.“ preaching before the goveroment at Christ Church, ar. “ gued, that the peace, (i. e. the articles of Linierick) ought " not to be observed with a people so perfidious, that they kept « neither articles nor oaths any longer, than was for their interest. · And the Bishop of Meath's behaviour was so much “ resented by the King, that he was put out of the council." William had then taken the coronation oath within five years, and wished to be tolerant to his Irish catholic subjects. (Vide Harris' Ware, p. 214 )


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1805. cerity to the test, was with difficulty repressed by

tiose, who were considered to',ibe most directly under the jnfluence of the Castle. An adjourne meụt was with diffigulty carried from the 31st of December to the 16th of Febrụary. The proceed, ings of the Catholies were made with publicity, and were particularly watched by all, 'wlio op

posed their claims from principle or interest., 1 Lord Sid- It has been before observed that Lord Sidmouth Huences in was forced from the councils of his Majesty by the

indignant sense, which the nation had expressed of his incompetency to bll the statian of a' prime Minister. The credited report, that Mr. Pitt would either soften the rigidity of the royal miod, or in defence of his own sincerity, expose too broadly the secret springs of action concerning the Irish question, drove Lord Sidmouth into more frequent and more confidential communications with the Sovereign, than was usual or fitting, that any other than his majesty's responsible advisers should en. joy: He was admitted to dine privately with the King, and soon after iade President of the couna eil. As the secret influence of Lord Sidmouth gained upon the Royal nind, the confidential intercourse of the official, advisers of the crown was observed to abate. The time between the Cathos lics adjournment from the 31st of December to the 16th of February was to them a period of inaction; but to their opponents it was a season of activity, preparation and expedients. Within that short space of less than two months every matter was brought before the Imperial Parliament

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or British public; that could tend to create suspi- . 1805. cion, disgust and dread of the Irish. Mr. Pitt equally averse from being pressed to render a public account of his conduct in seceding upon the Irish question, and of his pledges as to the sanie subject on his return to power, importuned the King to allow him once more to retire from office; and about the 10th of February, he gave in a written resignation, which his Majesty was arlvised not to accept. From that hour, until the final defeat of the Irish catholic petition, Mr. Pitt and Lord Sidmouth agreed like Pilate and Herod: and during that period the coalition between lord Grenville and Mr. Fox was established. .... .

His Majesty's speech to the Parliament on its Opening of opening on the 15th of January, studiously avoided ki even oblique reference to Ireland. It alluded to speecho the prompt' and decisive measures * that he had been compelled to take, in order to guard against . the effects of hostility from Spain ; and that, in consequence of a refusal of a satisfactory expla. nation, the British minister had quitted Madrid, and war had been declared against Great Britain by Spain. It observed,' that the conduct of the French, Government had been marked by the ut, most violence and outrage, notwithstanding which , his Majesty had recently received a communication from it, containing professions of a pacific disposi. tion ti to which, notwithstanding his earnest de

The taking and sinking of the Spanish frigates. + In order to give the reader seme unequivocal prools o Hr. Pill's powers as a statesman, in the most mature sear of his 'exs


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1805. sires for the blessings of peace, he had not thought

it right to enter into any more particular explana


perience, we submit this trait of his political conduct, which
subsequent events have more explicitly disclosed in our relations
10 France, Spain, and Russia. The following is a translated
copy of the communication of the pacific tendency alluded to in
Iris Majesty's speech, with the official answer :--

" Sir und Brother,
! “ Called to the throne of France by Providence, and by the
suffrages of the people, and by the army, my first sentiment is
a wish for peace: France and England abuse their prosperity ;
they may contend for ages; but do their governments well fulfil
the most sacred of their duties ? and will not so much blood shed
uselessly, and without a view to any end, accuse them in their
own consciences? I consider it as no disgrace to make the first
stęp. I have, I hopé, sufficiently proved to the world, that I fear
nene of the chances of war; it besides presents nothing, that I
need to fear. Peace is the wish of my heart, but war has never
been contrary to my glory. I conjure your Majesty not to deny
yourself the happiness of giving peace to the world, nor to leave
that sweet satisfaction to your children; for, in fine, there never
was a more favourable opportunity, nor a moment more favour-
able to silence all the passions, and to listen only to the senti.
ments of humanity and reason. This moment once lost, what
period can be assigned to a war, which all my efforts will not be
able to terminate : Your Majesty has gained more within ten,
years, both in territory and riches, than the whole extent of Eu-
röpe'; your nation is at the highest point of prosperity ; what can
it hope from war? To form a coalition of some powers of the
continent? The continent will remain tranquil; a coalition can
only increase the preponderance and continental greatness of
France. The time is past for renewing internal troubles. To
destroy our finances? Finances founded on flourishing culture'
can never be destroyed. To take from France her colonies ?
The colonies are to France only a secondary object;'and does
not your Majesty already possess more, than you know how to
preserve? If your Majesty would but reflect, you must perceives

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tion without previous communication with those 1805. powers on the continent, with which he was engaged in. confidential intercourse and connection, ' with a view to that important object, and especially with the Emperor of Russia, who had given the

that the war is without an object; without any presumable result to yourself. Alas! what a' melancholy prospect, to cause two nations to fight for the sake of fighting! The world is suffi. ciently large for our two nations to live in, and reason sufficiently powerful, to discover the means of reconciling every thing, when the wish for reconciliation exists on both sides. I have, however, fulfilled a sacred duty, and one, which is precious to my heart. I trust your Majesty will believe in the sincerity of my sentiments, and my wish to give you every proof of it.


." His Majesty has received the letter, which has been ada dressed to him by the head of the French Gvernment, dated the 2d of the present month. There is no object, which his Majesty has more at heart, than to avail himself of the first opportunity to procure again for his subjects the aulvantages of a peace founded on a basis, which may not be incompatible with the permanent security and essential interests of his stales. His Majesty is persuaded, that this end can only be attained by arrangements, which may at the same time provide for the future safety and tranquillity of Europe,' and prevent the recurrence of the dangers and calamities, in which it is involved. Con. formably to this sentiment his Majesty feels, that it is impossible for him to answer more particularly to the overture, that has been made him, till he has had time to communicate with the powers of the continent, with whom he is engaged in confidential conBexions and relations, and particularly with the Emperor of Russia, who has given the strongest proofs of the wisdom and elevation of the sentiments, with which he is animated, and the lively interest, which he takes in the safety and independence of Europe.

. (Signed) « MULGRAVE.", • YOL. I27. i i. D .

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