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Mr. Fox

sincere in

coalescing Grenville.

with Lord

with the more lustre, when the mode, in which that valuable place had been recently procured (by Lord Hawkesbury) was considered. He would eagerly have concurred in any thing, that could have eased or rewarded either himself or his relatives for that honorable disinterestedness, which may have brought on embarrassments, or prevented fair advantages. But his duty and conscience painfully prevented him from voting any thing, which went to confer honors on Mr. Pitt, as an Excellent Statesman. "I, said Mr. Fox, was always one "of those, who constantly said, that the system, "to which Mr. Pitt lent his aid, was an unfortuδε nate and dangerous system, and the great cause "of all the misfortunes and calamities, that as"sailed us in the course of his administration. It

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was owing to him indeed, that the system main"tained its ground so long. His great eloquence, "his splendid talents cast a veil over it, and con"cealed those things, which otherwise would have "been exposed in all their odious deformity. I "cannot consent to confer public honors on the ground of his being an Excellent Statesman on the man, who in my opinion, was the sole, certainly the chief supporter of a system, which I "had early been taught to believe a very bad one; "and the result has finally and fatally proved it

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so to be."

Mr. Fox was incapable of deceit either in public or private. To his credit, he possessed not the art of dissembling his principles. With industrious malice has it been circulated by the real enemies of

Mr. Fox and the insidious friends of Lord Grenville, that the coalition between them was hollow and insidious. Mr. Fox did not even affect to ད have changed a single principle of his political creed or practice: and that he believed Lord Grenville, and of course the whole party of the Grenvellites sincere in coming over to him is manifest from his candid and explicit avowal on this occasion. In referring to Lord Temple's supporting the motion, he added; "Such no doubt are the "sentiments entertained by those, with whom he

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is most closely connected (his father, the Marquis of Buckingham, and his uncle Lord Gren"ville). I must now then vote in opposition to

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those, whose friendship constitutes the delight "and happiness of my private life, and from whom, since affairs have taken such a turn, it " is probable I shall never be separated during "the remainder of my political life."

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tions for

range

On the very day of that debate in the Com- Negocia mons, by command of the King, Lord Grenville new arattended at Buckingham House, where his Ma- ments. jesty informed him, that he had sent for him to consult about the formation of a new administration. Lord Grenville apprized the King, that he proposed advising with Mr. Fox; to which his Majesty replied, I thought so and meant it so. The interview did not last above half an hour. Immediately upon quitting the Royal presence, Lord Grenville repaired to Carlton House, and had a conference with the Prince of Wales and Mr. Fox. His Royal Highness interested himself much

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Difficulty in the arrangements.

in the formation of the new administration; not doubting, but that a concentration of the talent, virtue and experience of the nation would afford satisfaction to the Monarch, gratification to his people, and security to the constitution. Much industry was used to indispose the Monarch against admitting Mr. Fox into the new arrangements. The secret supporters of the system were impla cably sedulous in poisoning the Royal mind against that enlightened and virtuous patriot. They dreaded his openness and firmness. With extreme reluctance was the King even now induced to wave his exclusion. On the 31st of January were the arrangements formed, and on the next day, Lord Grenville had an audience of his Majesty at the Queen's House, when he presented to the King the names of the persons selected on account of their talents and consideration, as proper at that alarming juncture to compose a firm and wise administration. His Majesty required 48 hours for consideration. The secret managers of the system were unusually active in qualifying and adapting the arrangements to their present designs and ulterior views.

On the 1st of February, serious difficulties were raised about some important regulations in the army. When Lord Grenville was at Buckingham House, he read to his Majesty a paper containing certain intended changes in the army. The

The chief of which was, the attaching a military council to the office of the commander in chief. A most salutary measure, though not very gratifying to the feelings of the Duke of York.

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King was displeased: and insisted, that the army had always been kept distinct from the other branches of the administration, since the time of his uncle the Duke of Cumberland. It was under the immediate controul of the Crown, through the commander in chief, exclusive of any ministerial interference, except as to the levying, clothing, and paying the troops. Upon Lord Grenville's respectfully submitting to his Majesty, that this doctrine did not appear to him altogether constitutional, the conference broke off, rather abruptly, and reports quickly circulated, that the negociation was at an end. This gave rise to fresh negociation and manoeuvring with the supporters of the system. From the death of Mr. Pitt, his Royal Highness the Duke of York, Lord Chancellor Eldon, and Lord Hawkesbury had frequent and very long conferences with his Majesty. Upon their results depended the progress of the new arrangements. They had been intimidated into resignation by the alarming danger, into which their leader had brought the Empire. They trembled at the voice of the nation calling for an efficient administration. No radical change was to be expected, without the introduction of Mr. Fox into his Majesty's Councils, and nothing was so much dreaded by the system, as the approach of that virtuous and enlightened Statesman to his . Sovereign. In the misrepresentation and blackening of his principles and conduct lay the strength of the system of the secret Cabinet. It had never attained such predominancy, as under the external

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management of Mr. Pitt. He had unconditionally lent himself for the second time to the system, and by his powers, talents and craft continued, as he had for many years to conceal from the public the workings of the internal Cabinet*. An ardu

It is clear, as day-light, that for the greatest part of the present reign, there has existed in the management of the British government, a power behind the throne greater than the throne itself, which has been worked by invisible, or rather irresponsi ble agents, to the disgrace and detriment of the constitution. Of this system Mr. Pitt was the chief supporter, though his father had been the first to denounce it. The recent disclosure of important facts, has furnished more than historical information, how much Lord Eldon has forwarded that secret system. Having his Sovereign's conscience officially in hand, he ever had his own upon his tongue. His genius was in perfect unison with the spirit of the system: busy, resolute and ferocious behind the scenes: vacillating, nervous and indecisive upon the stage. It is an awful reminiscence to the British Empire, that in the year 1804, as it has lately appeared by the evidence of the physicians, taken on oath before the Committee of the Lords in December 1810, from the 12th of February to the 23d of April 1804, the King was not in a state to perform any Royal function whatever and that from that time he was so far from having been completely recovered from his disorder, that he remained under the daily personal attendance of Dr. Symmons and of his assistants till the 10th of June in that year. Yet, said Lord Grey, in debating the Regency Bill in the House of Lords on the 29th of January 1811. "On the 7th of May 1804, at the time his

Majesty was thus under controul, the union of the two great "political rivals (Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt,) had been in con"templation, but had been prevented." A short statement of that transaction will shew the part Lord Eldon performed in it. The other atchievements of that conscientious holder of his Majesty's conscience, during the period of the Royal incapacity to exercise the functions of the executive are historically authenticated by the Protest of 9 Peers, which rests not upon opinions,

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