re-establish the Irish Parliament., Then 300 Catholic Members elected by the majority of the Irish population would resume their functions, and quickly put down the Protestant ascendancy, which could not be supported without the close Protestant boroughs. Under the Union Act, by compact the Protestant boroughs were suppressed; and a compensation of 1,400,0001. paid to Protestant owners, and not one shilling to Catholics. The consequence would be, that popular elections would prevail. In such case he left gentlemen to judge how long the security would continue for the Protestant establishment in Church and State, and the connection between the two countries. If this were the only objection, he should think it quite sufficient. He felt the full force of those consequences to be apprehended from such a measure, and he trembled * for the separation of his native country from that connection with England, deprived of which he was convinced she would be neither prosperous nor happy. 1805. sonby. Mr. George Ponsonby observed, that one part Mr. Fonof Mr. Foster's speech completely answered the other. It was ridiculous and contemptible to hear gentlemen argue, that there must be danger to the constitution, in permitting some Catholics to obtain seats in Parliament. He indignantly resented the foul calumnies and misrepresentations of his countrymen, which he had heard in that House, and heard of in another place. Their character These sentiments were singular from the mouth of Mr. Foster the Antiunionist!!! 1805. was the direct reverse. In proof of that, he urged that those, who had given this character had before, and would again return to Ireland, and walk in the most perfect security in every part of it: and he defied any person living to prove a single instance, in which the people, who had been thus degradingly traduced, had ever expressed the least personal resentment, or inflicted any personal vengeance on them. In speaking of the body of the Irish Catholics, he said. There never was a race of men in Europe, who had preserved so much of what was good under so much oppression. "I "know them well: and I know at the same time, "that whatever there is good in them, they owe "to themselves: whatever is bad in them, they owe to you. Yes, Sir, I will say, it is owing to your bad Government. I have many friends "and near connections in this country, for whom "I feel the highest respect and most affectionate "regard. I love this country, and would do every thing in my power to serve it, but I will not flatter it. You have governed Ireland badly. That country has long appeared to you "in the light of what is called a bore. You have "viewed it as a cast off, not worthy your notice .. or regard and so Ministers get rid of the trou"ble of it, they care not how." He was surprized, that the petitioners were Catholics. He thought the Protestants ought to have voluntarily brought it forward. It would have produced the happiest effects, and have shewn a confidence highly honorable to them. "Power is in itself at "all times dangerous: but when you suffer one "sect to lord it over another, you cannot wonder, "that the feelings become warm and animated, " and discontents and jealousies are the conse66 quence." 1805. The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) Mr. Pitt. was favourably disposed to the general principle of the question, but differing in many points from those, who had introduced and supported the motion, he thought fit to observe, that he had never considered the question, as involving any claim of. right, Right was totally independent of circumstances: expediency included the consideration of circumstances, and was wholly dependent upon them. Upon the principle of expediency he felt, that entertaining as he did, a wish for the repeal of the whole penal code, and a regret, that it had not been abolished, he felt, that in no possible case before the Union, could those privileges have been granted to the Catholics with safety to the existing Protestant establishment in Church and State. After that measure, he saw the matter in a different light: and though certainly no pledge. were ever given to the Catholics, that their claims should be granted; yet he had no hesitation in repeating, what his speech in 1800 for the Union (which he admitted to be a genuine record of his sentiments) imported that if it were found right to grant the Catholic claims, they might be then granted with more safety to the Protestant interest, or rejected with less danger to the tranquil, lity of Ireland, than if that country had continued 1905. under a local legislature. An united Parliament might so.grant the boon, as to render it safe to the country, effectual to those, who should receive, innocent to those, by whom it should be conferred, and conducive to the strength, unanimity and prosperity of the Empire. Such had been, and such were his sentiments. If from a concurrence of circumstances it were then expedient to grant them, and by a wish he could carry that measure into effect, he saw no rational objection, nor did he entertain those fears, which others expressed of danger from it to the establishment inChurch and State. He thought at all events, that the concessions to the Catholics, should be accompanied with new checks and guards for the established constitution: checks not applying to the Catholics as Catholics, with such tests as would be a security against the principles, on which the rebellion had originated. It seemed also expedient, to provide some guards against the evil influence, which the bigotry of Priests might prompt them to exercise over the lower orders. For that purpose he was desirous, that measures should be adopted to conciliate the Priests themselves with the Government, by making them in some degree dependent upon it, and thus rendering them links to connect the Government with the lower classes of society, instead of being the means of separation and agitators, who by infusing their prejudices would divide the Catholic from the Protestant, and alienate him from his duty. Thus would the Catholics be satisfied, and the Protestant's safe. Such were his general views of that important subject: and had it been possible to obtain that general concurrence, which was necessary to carry such a system into effect with the assistance of abler men to digest and mature it, instead of weakening, he was confident it would have encreased the security of the establishments in Ireland both of Church and State. But he stated those measures, not as the result of any pledge; though he readily admitted, they were the consequences of the general reasoning urged in favor of the Union, and that a very natural expectation was entertained, that the measure would have been immediately brought forward after the Union. He spoke for himself alone. Others must judge, respecting their own conduct for themselves. He did not feel himself called upon to make any more detailed explanation, than he formerly had. He never could, whilst those circumstances existed, to which he had very intelligibly alluded, become a party to the agitation, far less to the pressing of a measure, to the success of which there was irresistible obstacle. Should the question not be carried, and he saw no prohability, that it would, the only effect of agitating it, would be to excite hopes which would never be gratified, and to give rise to expectations, which were sure to terminate in disappointment. 1805. continued. He next took another line of argument. They Mr. Pitt were anxious to conciliate the Catholics, but let them not in so doing irritate a much larger portion of their fellow subjects. Whilst they drew together the bonds, which united one class of the |