charge against the present Ministers, that in this respect they have been negligent in not effecting in two years (a great part of which time Ireland has been disturbed by agitation) that which the others have done nothing towards bringing to maturity in six “tranquil ones?"

By the present regulations in Parliament, it is not difficult for those who may combine together for that purpose so to fritter away the time of the session by moving amendments and adjourning debates as to make it next to impossible for Ministers, however assiduous they may be, to get through more than the ordinary business necessary for the country; and although, no doubt, this is very injurious to the public, yet it may be beneficial to a party, by enabling it to hold up the Government as indolent or incapable for not having done more. Now this mode of attack seemed to be frequently employed last year, and so far succeeded as to obstruct business; but it must not be hoped that the intention is not evident, or that the people, generally just in the end, will fail to view the work of the Government according to the time for legislation which the opposite party may have REALLY left at its disposal. Little or nothing can be done towards ameliorating the state of Ireland, unless the gentry determine to array themselves against every system which tends to disturb the peace there. The difficulty of legislating for that part of the empire is unfortunately greatly increased by the Irish themselves, from their proneness to insubordination, and from the ease with which they are led to scheme how they may evade the law whenever doing so may suit the views of those who may have acquired an influence over them. This, of course, must

often oblige a Minister to consider whether measures, otherwise evidently beneficial in themselves, can with prudence be granted, if their adoption may have a chance of increasing the means of a leader of the people to forward his plans, generally inimical to the well-being of the kingdom at large.

When, therefore, "centuries of oppression" is so often complained of, it is to be remembered that history shews the Irish of old as always restless of domination, and ever striving to resist the power of England without much thought as to the prudence of doing so, or whether the acts of the Government at the time gave them just reason for attempting it. This will be found to be the origin of many acts of severity which the people would have escaped the infliction of by a greater respect for authority. When a government is placed as at present, for instance, with hardly any option, as regards Ireland, between an abandonment of its rule or military despotism, it is deprived of the opportunity, so long as this state of things lasts, of bettering the condition of the people. Unfortunately, the Irish never seem to reflect that, in the natural course of things, when a smaller state tries to throw off its allegiance to a more powerful one, the attempt can never be made without great tribulation arising from the struggle; and, in case of failure, this does not end it, for, in proportion to the strength of the opposition shewn by it, will its chains then be tightened; at least, this was formerly the consequence. Now, however, when disaffection is shewn, the usual counsel is to loosen restraint; and sometimes the policy may not be bad, as giving the people more to lose should, in consequence, make them reflect

and put what may be lost against what may be gained. But the Irish never seem to have taken this into consideration; on the contrary, whenever concession has been made, increased discontent has followed, which, no doubt, has retarded liberal measures as regards them from time to time. Take, for example, their proceedings after the success of the petition from those delegated by the Volunteers in 1782: one should have imagined increased quiet and satisfaction would have been the result of it. Not in the least; within a year afterwards other delegates from the same body discovered that what had been granted in consequence of the former meeting was nothing. They, therefore, framed another petition for a redress of grievances; and, this being unsuccessful, great dissatisfaction ensued, which went on increasing from year to year until it ended in the rebellion of 1798.

Then, again, what has been gained by Great Britain by the changes which were made in favour of the Roman Catholics in 1829? Certainly not greater quiet, nor a greater reverence for law and order on the part of the Irish. We are told this is because emancipation was not granted until it could be no longer withheld. This reason may make them less obliged to us for it, if it were true; but the benefit of the act is not diminished as to the rights which it confers notwithstanding. If I obtain a good for which I am striving, the advantage is not lessened because others may have been obliged to concede it to me; but, if I induce them to make the concession by promising them benefits, which I afterwards use means to obstruct by way of revenge for not having obtained my object sooner, I take it that the opinion of the world would be that my act

was worse than dishonest.

Now what I think we have a right to complain of is, that neither this very great gain, nor any other improvement in the laws since, have lessened discontent in Ireland, although so much advantage was promised us in return for the concessions, whilst these have increased the power of her people in opposing us. Still we are told, Concede; try and satisfy them. But what is there to concede? I know that this question occasioned much wrath amongst those who remonstrate with us when asked in the House of Commons, but still it must be put : for although, in demanding what they do, one might imagine that they meant us to understand them as saying, Give us these things, and we will abandon O'Connell and Repeal; yet they must see clearly that granting some of the demands would enable them to carry it; and, if this were not so, a son of O'Connell's would not have been a party to the Remonstrance. I am, therefore, unable to see what more can be done, beyond improving as much as possible the laws as they exist, and adding to them where this can be effected with good to the people, without endangering the constitution either in Church or

State.

It cannot be said that Irish affairs have been neglected since 1829; in every session of Parliament since, they have rarely failed to form a prominent feature, and sometimes with great results. One measure I must refer to, as affording at least a proof of the desire which exists in all parties to assist the people-I allude to the Poor-law. Unfortunately, the bill is little suited to the habits of the Irish; hospitality to the poor in general is a virtue which used to be practised on a large scale in Ireland. The

necessity for this is possibly not diminished by the law, and, as it gives the Government a right to put its hand into the pocket of the landlord, in decrease of the means of continuing that hospitality, which is still probably looked for by the indigent, it could hardly be received with favour by the former, nor with that thankfulness which might have been expected by the latter. Few laws can be passed by which the masses can be immediately benefited in the same degree as the richer classes; the good results must descend to the former, and of course depend in a great degree on the way which the latter may regard changes, the working of which for good or bad they generally have the means of influencing. Now, as it suits these at present to use the alterations which have taken place only as a means of better carrying out the scheme in agitation, all that has been done in favour of Ireland since 1829 is made to appear to the people as of no import, save as affording them a vantage-ground, which they are bound to occupy in order to obtain Repeal; of course this cannot but be resisted by all who think the present constitution a good to be defended. It is a proceeding, which, if persisted in, must at last end in punishment; and, however much this may be merited, it will as of old be added to the catalogue of Irish wrongs.

We are accused of dislike to the Irish, and of originating all their evils; and these assertions at every meeting are cheered and supported by those who are nevertheless sensitively alive to what may seem to reflect upon their own conduct, as will be seen by the following resolution, moved by Mr. French at a meeting of the people at Loughrea :