Six or seven years had not elapsed before the glove trade of this country was almost paralysed. Doubtless gloves are cheaper, and many more imported: three times the quantity are imported from France since that time. But what is the condition Let those who desire to

of the workpeople of the glove trade?
know, go and inquire at Worcester and Yeovil.

But perhaps it may be imagined that foreign nations have, latterly, been becoming less protective to their own industry. No such thing; although some parties have the charity to wish it. In 1842 a change was made in the Corn Laws, which, when it is wanted, will cause to be imported into this country as much corn as we can eat. Has Prussia thanked us for this encouragement to her agriculture? She certainly takes no more of our goods in consequence. Has Russia confessed her obligations to us, for this our liberality to her corn growers? Russia takes from us 1,500,000l. or 2,000,000l. of goods; we take from Russia 5,000,000l. or 6,000,000l. of her produce.

Then, in 1842 also, we reduced the duties on the importation of many hundred small articles of our manufacture and handicraft. The Tariff, it was thought, must extract some reciprocity of liberality from foreign countries. No! Liberality was not their reply. The answer was, from Europe and America, six hostile or retaliating Tariffs. In the same manner the King of Prussia acted late in the last century, when, during a scarcity, we took off the duty on wheat in England: he merely put on the duty before it left his ports; and so pocketed the revenue from it, instead of ourselves.

But, it is said, reciprocity is not necessary. Foreign countries will take our gold for their goods, if they won't take our manufactures; and we must buy gold somewhere or other with our manufactures, for we cannot buy the gold for nothing. There is an appearance of truth in this argument; but it is in reality only specious. By this indirect way of paying for foreign importations, we doubtless increase our exports; witness our increased exports, as before stated, between 1798 and 1841; witness also their cheapness; and this will solve the mystery. Many foreign nations will not take, or will take only a few of our goods; some will take more. We already export goods to those that will take them; but we have continually to pay gold to those countries that will not take our manufactures for the goods we import from them. We must then send more manufactures to those places which have, already, taken as many as they want; and who will consent to take more of them, in

exchange for gold, only at a ruinous depreciation of their price; because they go into a market, already glutted with the same commodities. The constant export of gold would also be accompanied by a restriction of accommodation, by a contraction of the circulation, and by a fall of prices and of wages.

It may be added, incidentally, that much the largest increase in our export of goods, of late years, has been to our own colonies. Free trade would ruin many of these colonies, which, with the home market, are both the surest and best customers for our manufactures. If all the world were under one government, or if the industry of all nations were now for the first time springing into existence; if no different habits, tastes, associations, and artificial embarrassments had grown up in different nations, then the question as respects free trade might be changed; but as the case stands, free trade is not merely madness, it is an impossibility.

How long are we to run on in this mad career? How long are we to sacrifice one class of industry after another, to this fallacious chace after a benefit which does not exist? How long offer up the happiness and the comfort of our people, victims on this devouring altar? Let us humbly trust, not much longer. To save British agriculture, at least, and, with it, the artisans of the home trade, from this consuming process, "The Agricul tural Protection Society of Great Britain and Ireland" has been formed. One of its principal objects will be, to disseminate, from time to time, information on the subject of the true interests of industry. To give temperately, in detail, the explanation (of which this address is a mere outline) how each class of the community would be affected by a repeal of the Corn Laws; and how, as the Society believes, entire ruin, rather than benefit, would be inflicted on the working classes of the country as a body, if, by a systematic adoption of the practice of free trade, we entirely forsook those wise laws of protection by which our forefathers built up the magnificent fabric of British greatness; will be another principal object of the future publications of this Society.

To act up to these, its intentions, the Society will require, and now earnestly solicits, the liberal support of all well wishers to the permanent best interests of their country.

17, Old Bond Street,

April, 1844.

LONDON: Printed by WILLIAM CLOWES and SONS, Stamford Street.

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Statute 5 & 6 Victoria, Chapter 103.

"We should think that every honest man in England, so often as he hears of any new Scheme of " Reform," must by this time have learnt to shrink back from the very name in horror and alarm, fearing lest it be a plot to make him either a thief himself, or the victim of the thievery of others. The late "Reform” of the Court of Chancery was doubtless not designed to be a measure of spoliation; but the fact cannot be concealed, that if any very Conservative or timidly-disposed person should unfortunately take up alarm or a prejudice of the sort against the measure aforesaid, it might be rather difficult to convince him that his fearful suspicions were altogether unnatural."-Times, November 5, 1842.

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ADVERTISEMENT.

THE Chancery Offices Abolition Act was unknown to the author of these pages, and to nearly the entire Legal Profession, during its progress in Parliament, in the Session of 1842; and the enormity of the Compensations awarded to the exofficers, only transpired on the publication of the Orders of Lord Lyndhurst in December last.

This Pamphlet has no party object. Its chief end in view is the prevention of future impositions. on the Legislature. The framers of the Act could have had no foresight themselves of the magnitude of the gross Compensations created, or the sanction of Lord Lyndhurst never could have been obtained to such a costly reform.

Since these sheets were printed, a reduction has been made in two of the Fees levied by the Orders in Chancery-viz. that of 10d. per folio, for copies of Documents in the Record Clerk's Office, has