certe comitem eorum esse manifestum est, adeo ut et consules et praetores seu dictatores cum adeunt magistratum Lavinii rem divinam faciant Penatibus pariter et Vestae: see also Servius on Aen. 2. 296. The names Laurentum and Lavinium are probably connected in etymology; the base lav-, which may be the same as that which appears in lau-rus, being the same in both. The question may also fairly be asked, as Preller has seen, whether the names Daunus and Daunia, familiar in connexion with Turnus, are not akin to Lavinium and Laurentum, exhibiting the common interchange of d and l. I do not venture to offer a decided opinion on the meaning of the root luor lav-, which forms the basis of these words, and also of Laverna and Lavernium (Macrob. 3. 16. 4); whether it is the same as that of luere and lustrum and contains the idea of purification, as Schwegler is inclined to think, or whether it is not rather connected with laetus and luxuries. The etymology of the ancients, which connected Laurentum with laurus, is not to be despised; compare Virgil's name Quercens from quercus, and Pomentium (Strabo 5. 3) or Pometia (Plin. 3. 68) from pomum. There was a place called Lauretum on the Aventine, ubi silva laurus fuit (Pliny 15. 138); Macrob. 3. 12. 3, constat quidem nunc lauro sacrificantes apud aram maximam coronari; sed multo post Romam conditam haec consuetudo sumpsit exordium, postquam in Aventino Lauretum coepit virere, quam rem docet Varro Humanarum libro secundo. The laurus was to the Romans the symbol of peace and prosperity, and was evidently from very early times associated with Italian worship. We may remember Virgil's lines, Aen. 7. 59 foll., Laurus erat tecti medio in penetralibus altis, Sacra comam multosque metu servata per annos, Quam pater inventam, primas cum conderet arces, Ipse ferebatur Phoebo sacrasse Latinus, Laurentesque ab ea nomen posuisse colonis.

Lavinium then, the home of the Latin Penates, was the religious capital of the Latin league. The symbol of the league was a sow with thirty young ones, signifying the thirty cities of the confederacy. The story of the sow reminds us of the horse's head of Carthage, the wolf of Rome, the ox of Bovillae (Nonius s. v. hilla, and Schol. Persius 6. 55) and Buthrotum (Servius on Aen. 3. 293). On Aen. 4. 196 Servius relates a similar fable about Iarbas following a ram to the settlement of Jupiter Hammon. Varro (R. R. 2. 4. 18) tells us not only that there were in his days at Lavinium bronze figures of the sow and her young ones, but that the priests still showed the actual body of the mother pickled in brine. Now the Latin name for a sow with young was Troia; and there was, if we may trust Livy 1. 1. 4,

5

5 See Littré's French Dictionary, s. v. Truie. The evidence for the Latin word is troia, or troga, derived from glossaries: but Littré does not, like Diez, deny its existence.

tacet.

a place in the territory of Laurentum called Troia where Aeneas was supposed to have landed: so Festus testifies, and other authorities. Servius on Aen. 9. 9, hanc Castrum Laurens ait dici Varro, oppidum Sed ubi primum Aeneas egressus sit, eum locum Troiam nuncupari traditur. A praedium Troianum in the neighbourhood of Antium is mentioned by Cicero (Att. 9. 13. 6); Festus mentions a campus Tromentus, whence the tribus Tromentina. Trosulus was the old name of a knight, and Troia (not ludus Troiae) that of the well-known cavalry tournament. Whatever the ultimate origin and the meaning of the base from which all these words are derived, and on this point I offer no opinion, there seems little doubt that Troia and its cognates are genuine Italian words. And if so, especially as there were remains of a large ancient encampment near Lauro-Lavinium (Serv. on Aen. 7. 32), what fact could be more welcome to a Greek dealer in cheap mythology than the appearance of the name Troia on Italian ground; what fact easier to combine with the rest of the Italian legend? Livy 1. 1. 23 says that Troia was also the name of the place where Antenor landed among the Veneti. Was the name there, as in Latium, the starting-point and support of the legend ?

Another Italian feature, upon which all the recent scholars, Klausen, Schwegler, and Preller, have already commented, is the story of the eating of the tables; this, in the scholia attributed to Servius, is rightly referred to the mensae paniceae of Roman worship. The Latin Penates was easily identified with the coì peɣádor of Samothrace, associated, as we have seen, with the worship of 'Appodíτn Aivelas. There was a temple of Venus at Antium (Plin. 3. 57) and at Lavinium (Strabo 5. 3). The latter was probably the Venus Frutis to whom according to Cassins Hemina (ap. Solin. 2. 14) Aeneas dedicated the image which he had brought from Sicily. I see no reason for identifying the word Frutis with the Greek 'Aopodirn; why should it not be a genuine Italian name? Finally, Aeneas himself was made one with the Iuppiter Indiges of the country. It is worth observing that in its main outline the story of the fortunes of Aeneas after landing in Italy somewhat resembles that of the founding of Troy by Teucer as given by Servius on Aen. 3. 108. Servius mentions two versions of the legend; one that Scamander, driven by a famine from Crete, migrated to Phrygia, and after conquering the neighbouring Bebrycians in battle disappeared in the river Xanthus: victor in Xantho flumine lapsus non comparuit. So the legend of Aeneas as presented by Cassius Hemina and Tibullus 2. 5. 45, Illic sanctus eris, cum te veneranda Numici Unda deum caelo miserit Indigetem: compare Juvenal 11. 60, alter aquis, alter flammis ad sidera missus, and Servius on Aen. 4. 619. Scamander's kingdom, it

is added, descended to his son Teucer, as that of Aeneas to Iulus. Another version of the story, which reminds us of the tale of Aeneas and Lavinia, made Teucer marry the daughter of Dardanus, and give his name to the race.

Thus in the last century of the republic the story of Aeneas, born of language and fostered by national interest, had become a fixed article of the Roman creed. Greek historians had asserted it, poets like Naevius and Ennius had adorned it, antiquarians had established it on the firm basis of research. Before examining Virgil's treatment of the story it will be best to put together such notices as remain of the manner in which it was handled by the Roman authors from Fabius Pictor to Varro. For it is the Roman authors, in all probability, to whom the poet is most indebted.

In the version adopted by Fabius Pictor, Aeneas had the whole of his future sufferings and achievements revealed to him in a dream. The story of the swine and her young ones appears in its fully developed form; but the thirty young ones are interpreted as meaning thirty years during which Aeneas is to wait before putting his hand to building his new city. Fabius also had the story of the suicide of Amata, though in a different form from that in which it is given in the twelfth Aeneid.

Postumius Albinus (about 150 B.C.) attributed the foundation of Baiae to Boia the nurse of Boius, one of the comrades of Aeneas. Cato was an authority for the Trojan origin of the Veneti, and pursued the story of Aeneas' landing in Latium, and his subsequent fortunes there, in some detail. He attributed to Aeneas the foundation of the Italian village Troia; the name Latini he represented as given to the Aborigines after the junction of the Latins with the Volscian Aborigines on the arrival of the Phrygian Aeneas. Cassius Hemina, towards the end of the second century B.C., stated that Aencas landed in Italy in the second summer after the taking of Troy, and set up his camp with no more than six hundred companions. He brought with him from Sicily an image of Venus, which he dedicated to Venus Frutis. From Diomed he took the Palladium; reigned for three years in alliance with Latinus, from whom he had received a grant of five hundred iugera; for two more years, after the death of Latinus, he reigned alone, and disappeared finally on the banks of the Numicius, to be worshipped as Pater Indiges. The Penates were identified by Cassius. with the Ocoù μeɣádor of Samothrace.

Caelius Antipater, a historian of the same period, attributed the foundation of Capua to Capys, a cousin of Aeneas. In the last century of the republic Sisenna took up the Trojan legend, differing

from Livius Andronicus in not exhibiting Aeneas as a traitor to his country. The story of Aeneas was probably treated in great detail and perfect faith by Varro, from whom Servius has several quotations of more or less importance which I have endeavoured to collect. Varro represented the Penates, whom he identified with the Di Magni, as wooden or marble figures brought by Aeneas to Italy (Serv. on Aen. 3. 12). Originally they were carried by Dardanus from Samothrace to Phrygia, and afterwards from Phrygia by Aeneas to Italy. The story of the Palladium (Serv. Aen. 2. 166) was treated by Varro in much detail. According to the version which he adopted, the sacred image remained in the hands of Diomed, by whom it was offered to Aeneas while the latter was passing through Calabria. Diomed also gave to Aeneas the bones of his father Anchises (Serv. Aen. 4. 427). Aeneas in his wanderings was guided by a star, Lucifer or the Stella Veneris, which moved in front of him until he arrived at the territory of Laurentum (Serv. Aen. 1. 382). In Dodona he received the oracle prophesying the famine and the eating of the tables. In Leucas he founded the temple to Venus attributed by Menander to Phaon the Lesbian. Varro when in Epirus took note of the names of the places where Aeneas had set his foot; his list of names was the same as Virgil's (Serv. Aen. 3. 349). He gave further details about the progeny of the sow, whose body, as we have seen, was shown him preserved in brine at Lavinium (Serv. Aen. 3. 392). Anna, the sister of Dido, perished in the flames of her own funeral pyre for love of Aeneas (Serv. Aen. 4. 682, 5. 4). The name of Castrum Laurens (Serv. Aen. 9. 8) kept up the memory of Aeneas' camp near Lau

rentum.

Thus it is clear that Varro must have brought Aeneas to Carthage. What was his authority for this addition to the current story, an addition of which there is no mention in Livy or Dionysius, and which conflicted in the most glaring manner with the commonly received chronology, is not clear. It is generally assumed that Naevius is responsible for the notion of a meeting between Aeneas and Dido; but the assumption is based upon a line and a half of Naevius, blande atque docte percontat, quo pacto Troiam urbem reliquerit, in which the subject of percontat is taken to be Dido. It is unfortunate that we cannot trace more closely the genesis of the story. Did it rest on a confusion between the Carthaginian Anna and Anna Perenna, the Italian goddess of the year? Some such inference is suggested by the identification of the two in Ovid's Fasti.

6 Servius on Aen. 4. 459, nam quod de Didone et Aenea dicitur falsum est. Constat enim Aeneam CCCXL. annos ante aedificationem Romae venisse in Italiam, cum Karthago non nisi XL. annis ante aedificationem Romae constructa sit. According to Timaeus, Rome and Carthage were founded on the same day.

Let us now briefly examine the account adopted or invented by Virgil, and compare it with the tradition followed by Livy and Dionysius.

The stages of Aeneas' wanderings as given by Dionysius are as follows:-From Troy he goes to Pallene, where he leaves some of his sick and weakly followers; thence to Delos, thence to Cythera, thence to Zacynthus, where, owing to old ties of blood, he is kindly received. Here Aeneas institutes a gymnastic contest for the youth, which is still kept up. Thence he passes on to Leucas, Actium, Ambracia ; from Ambracia Anchises goes to Buthrotum and Aeneas to Dodona, where he meets Helenus and the Trojans with him; next to Italy, where a contingent was left to form a settlement on the Iapygian promontory. Meanwhile Aeneas sails to Sicily, where he founds Elymus and Segesta, and leaves part of his own following, and thence to Italy, where he lands successively at Palinurus, at Leucasia, at Misenum, at Caieta, and at Laurentum.

Livy's account is, compared with this, a mere abridgment. He makes only two stages between Troy and Italy, namely Macedonia and Sicily. Virgil must apparently have drawn upon the same sources as Dionysius, though he varies the details, and (in the case of Carthage) makes an addition of which the historians know nothing. Thrace, Delos, Leucas, Buthrotum, Sicily, appear both in the narrative of Dionysius and in the third Aeneid; Virgil adds Crete and the Strophades. The story of the burning of the ships by the Trojan. women, which we have seen to be as old as Aristotle, is localized by Virgil in Sicily. Dionysius mentions games instituted by Aeneas at Zacynthus; of these Virgil knows nothing, but devotes a whole book to games celebrated in Sicily in honour of Anchises, who according to his account had died at Drepanum.

Virgil rightly seized upon the fact that Sicily was the centre of the story of Aeneas. Legends of a Trojan settlement there had been alive since the fifth century B.C., and, what was more important for Virgil's poetical purpose, Sicily was the meeting-point of Rome and Carthage. The great idea which inspires the first part of the Aeneid, the idea with which the poem opens, is that of bringing Rome and Carthage into a mythical connexion. The authority whom Virgil immediately followed in the matter I suspect to have been Varro, who, as we have seen, represented Anna the sister of Dido as perishing in the flames for love of Aeneas. That Virgil drew largely upon the stores of antiquarian information collected by Varro may be taken as morally certain; his view of the Penates is essentially that of Varro ; and other features of the legend, as Aeneas' presence in Leucas and his following the prodigy of the white sow, were, as we have seen, emphasized by Varro in great detail.