ments remain,1 or to inquire whether the Aeneid is likely to have benefited by the example of Hostius' work, De Bello Histrico, in any other respect than in the multiplication of the "ten tongues" of the second Iliad into a hundred. As little necessity is there to speak of the possible effect of Roman tragedy on the Aeneid, as, though there are evident proofs that Virgil did not disdain to imitate individual passages, his real obligations are not to Ennius, Pacuvius, or Attius, but to the great Athenian masters whom they copied as Ennius copied Homer.

The result of our inquiry then is this. Virgil imitated Homer, but imitated him as a rival, not as a disciple; his object was not to give a faithful interpretation of his great master, but to draw forth his own genius and satisfy the age in which he lived; and accordingly he modified the Homeric story at his pleasure, according to the thousand considerations that might occur to a poetical artist, a patriot, and a connoisseur of antiquarian learning. Of later influences, the only one which seems to have taken a really powerful hold of him is Greek tragedy, which was in fact the only instance of a genius and culture commensurate with his own, operating in a sphere analogous to his. The epics of Alexandria and of early Rome may furnish occasional illustrations to the commentator on the Aeneid; but his more continuous studies will be better devoted to the poetry of Homer and to the tragic drama of Greece.

1 Seneca (Controv. 16, p. 238) says that Julius Montanus praised Virgil for having improved (in his description of night, A. 8. 27, foll.) on two lines of Varro :

"Desierant latrare canes, urbesque silebant : Omnia noctis erant, placida composta quiete." Virgil, however, is not nearer to Varro than he is to Varro's original, Apoll. 3. 749, foll.

2 “ Homeri est οὐδ ̓ εἴ μοι δέκα μὲν γλῶσσαι, δέκα δὲ στόματ ̓ εἶεν. Hunc secutus Hostius poeta in libro secundo Belli Histrici ait: Non si mihi linguae Centum atque ora sient totidem vocesque liquatae. Hinc Vergilius ait: Non mihi si linguae centum sint oraque centum." Macrob. Sat. 2. 3. It is worth noting that Pope, professing to translate Homer, has turned the ten tongues into a thousand. He had, however, some provocation, as Ogilby had made them a hundred.

See on A. 2. 237, 281, 499, &c.

THE STORY OF AENEAS' WANDERINGS.1

[Originally contributed to the " Journal of Philology."]

SELDOM has a great poet had a less promising subject to deal with than Virgil when he undertook to write the Aeneid. The growth of the Roman empire, and with it the spread of a civilization higher, if we take it all in all, than any which had been previously known in the ancient world, was indeed a fact all-important for the historian and the statesman, and inspiring enough to the imagination of a poet. The problem was how to give poetical form and vitality to the great idea. The springs of the native Italian literature had, in the Augustan age, been long choked up. The Italian poets had left Naevius far behind them, and went to Homer for their metre and the handling of their subject. But instead of the fresh and living creations of the Hellenic fore-time, the Romans found, in the legend of Aeneas, only a lifeless mythology, the spirit of which was true to nothing but the vanity of the Greek historians who invented it. In - the following remarks an attempt will be made to trace the origin of the story of Aeneas' wanderings, and the various forms which it assumed before Virgil made it classical.

The name Αἰνείας is in formation parallel to Ερμείας, Αὐγείας, and perhaps Bopéas, and would seem to be a patronymic from Alvos or Αἴνη, 25 Αὐγείας is formed from Αὐγή and Ερμείας from Ἕρμα οι Sarama. It may be worth while to put together some other traces of the same root which occur in the names of places. The mythical founder of Cyzicus was Aiveus, whose name is another patronymic from the same base; in the Troad itself, if we may believe Strabo (13. 1), there was a township called Aivea and a river Aivov. Coming further west, we find the Thracian town Alvos at the mouth of the Hebrus-it is worth while in this connexion to remember Strabo's remark that there were many names common to Thrace and the Troad

1 As these sheets are going through the press, an interesting essay on the Legend of Aeneas by M. Gaston Boissier (Revue des deux Mondes, September 15, 1883) has come into my hands. M. Boissier, among a great number of striking remarks, observes that the story of Aeneas does not seem to have been illustrated by painters or sculptors until about the time of Virgil.

-and yet further west the town Aeneia in Chalcidice. South-west of Thessaly we meet with the Aiviâves, or as Pliny (4. 6) calls them, the Aenienses; on the coast of Illyricum was a town called Aenona, reminding us in the termination of its name of Salona, Nerona, Verona, Cremona; Pliny (5. 137) mentions an island Aenare in the neighbourhood of Ephesus, and a kindred name to this appears in that of the well-known island Aenaria off the coast of Campania. It would perhaps be rash to mention the ancient name of the river Inn, Aenus, in this connexion.

It is natural and easy to connect the patronymic Aiveías with these names: but this connexion only makes darkness visible. The meaning of the base Aivo- it is for Greek etymologists to decipher; but before leaving it it is necessary to notice the adjective Aivatás, genitive Αινειάδος, a title of Aphrodite. Temples to this ̓Αφροδίτη Αἰνειάς are mentioned as existing in his own time by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1. 49) in Leucas, at Actium near another to the coì peɣáλoi, at Ambracia, and (ib. 53) at Elymus in Sicily. That the ancients should have connected these temples with a supposed presence of Aeneas and his mother in these places was natural enough: but it must surely be remarked by a modern observer that Αφροδίτη Αἰνειάς, cannot mean Aphrodite the mother of Aeneas, but must signify either Aphrodite the daughter of Aeneas on the analogy of Bopeás the daughter of Bopéas, or (which I think more likely) Aphrodite of Aeneia or Aeneium, just as Ziyalás (Strabo, 13. 1) means of Sigeum. Klausen in his Aeneas und die Penaten, and Preller in his handbooks of mythology, have not, so far as I have seen, noticed this point; but, small as it may appear, it has, I think, an important bearing on the subject before us. For if Aivelás as a title of Aphrodite is a mere local epithet, or at any rate a title associated with the goddess in some way not at present ascertainable, the connexion of this Aphrodite with the hero of the Aeneid will appear to have arisen from a misinterpretation of names, and the words Aiveías and Aiveiás to have no more in common than their kinship with the words Aenus or Aeneia.

I do not think that the attempts of Klausen and of Fick in his Personennamen to connect Aivelás with aiveîv, to comply, or to consent, can be regarded as successful. The title of gracious, consenting, complying, placabilis, might, no doubt, be well applied to Aphrodite, but more evidence should be forthcoming before the question can be taken as settled, especially in the case of a proper name the antiquity of which may, for all that we know, have removed it altogether out of the reach of modern inquiry.

The connexion between Αἰνείας and 'Αφροδίτη Αἰνειάς appears then to be only collateral, not derivative. And, if Aiveías is in form a local

patronymic, it may also be observed that Ascanius, Ascania, Ascaniae, and Ascanium are names of a city in Aetolia, of a lake near Nicaea, of an island among the Sporades, of a district (?) in Bithynia, and of some islands off the coast of the Troad. The names, therefore, both of Aeneas and his son are closely connected with names of places; indeed, it does not appear that Ascanius is the son of Aeneas in any poet earlier than Stesichorus.

Aeneas in the Homeric poems is the son of Aphrodite, the heavenprotected, heaven-favoured hero whose race is to endure and to rule after that of Priam is destroyed. A family of Aeneadae retained, at Scepsis in the Troad, a memory of their bygone royalty in certain. functions, perhaps priestly, which they were for long allowed to exercise (Strabo, 13, 1). I do not venture to offer any opinion as to the actual relation which these Aeneadae bore to the Aeneas of the Iliad; or to decide whether or no the Homeric hero is merely a name, invented to account for the existence of the royal and priestly family, around which the subsequent stories of his wanderings grew up step by step. But I think that we must in any case start from the names of the places with which Aeneas was said to have been connected. If we may trust Dionysius (1. 48), the legends which dealt with the fate of Aeneas after the capture of Troy were various and irreconcilable. Menecrates of Xanthus represented him as having betrayed Troy to the Greeks; others said that he was sent into Phrygia by Priam on some military service. And the stories which represented him as leaving the city of his fathers did not agree how far he wandered, Hegesianax, and Hegesippus the historian of Pallene, bringing him only as far as that peninsula, while others made him leave Thrace and go on as far as Arcadia, where he founded a city which was named Caphyae after the Trojan Capys. Remembering the Thracian city Aenus, and the Pallenian Aeneia, we need find no difficulty, considering the contradictory and untrustworthy character of these stories, in attributing the idea of Aeneas' presence in those places, which is apparently as old as Lesches, solely to their names; nor need the connexion of the Arcadian Caphyae with the Trojan Capys give us any more trouble than the reference of the Italian name Capua to the same hero. It may be added that according to Pausanias (8. 12. 8) there was also in Arcadia a mountain called Anchisia with a grave of Anchises.

Before going into the question of Aeneas' voyage to Italy, it will be as well to consider the remaining traces of the legends which brought him into various parts of Hellas. Dionysius (1.50) assures us that there were many signs of the presence of Aeneas in Delos, whither Aeneas came while the island was governed by King Anius. Delos

and Anius are adopted by Virgil in his third Aeneid. No doubt the similarity of the names Anius and Aeneas has much to do with this part of the legend. What the other evidences of Aeneas' presence there may have been Dionysius does not inform us. A temple of Aphrodite in the island of Cythera seems to have been the centre of a story of Aeneas' former presence there; Dionysius says that the promontory of Κιναίθιον was named after Κίναιθσο, a companion of Aeneas, who was there buried. In Zacynthus a solemn sacrifice to Aphrodite, and athletic contests for youths, kept up as late as the time of Dionysius a memory of Aeneas; the founder of Zacynthus was supposed to be a son of Dardanus and brother of Erichthonius. Among the athletic contests is especially mentioned a race named after Aphrodite and Aeneas, of whom two wooden statues were kept in the island. In Leucas, Actium, and Ambracia there were, as we have seen, temples to Aphrodite Aineias; in Ambracia there was also, according to Dionysius, a wooden statue said to represent Aeneas, which was honoured by yearly observances. In Buthrotum was another temple of Aphrodite, the foundation of which was attributed to Aeneas; it was from Buthrotum, according to Dionysius, that Aeneas went to consult the oracle of Dodona. In the neighbourhood of Buthrotum there was also a harbour-town bearing the name Anchisos.

So far, with the help of Dionysius, we have traced supposed memories of Aeneas in Thrace, in Delos, in Arcadia, in Cythera, on the promontory of Cinaethium, in Zacynthus, in Leucas, Actium, Ambracia, and Buthrotum. Passing on to the south of Italy we meet with legends which brought Aeneas and his followers to the promontory of Iapygia inhabited by the Sallentini, and the harbour of Aphrodite near the temple of Athene (Aen. 3. 531, templumque apparet in arce Minervae); here they only remain for a short time and then go on to Sicily.

The legend which brought Trojan settlers to the north-west of Sicily, Eryx, Elymus, and Segesta, was older than the time of Thucydides, who expressly mentions and accepts it; to follow it into the details given by Dionysius is quite unnecessary. It is, however, of great importance as linking the story of Aeneas on one side with Italy and on the other with Carthage. The main point for our present consideration is the existence of a temple of Aphrodite Aineias at Elymus; on some other features of the story we shall have to remark further on.

The story of Aeneas' voyage to Latium is undoubtedly later than the legends which we have been considering. A whole chapter of Greek mythology, familiar enough to students of that subject, con