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The subject of the Aeneid, as propounded in the opening lines, is the settlement of Aeneas in Italy, after years of wandering, and a short but sharp final struggle. It is however only of the events preceding the settlement that the poet really treats,—of the wanderings and the war. In that, as in other things, he follows Homer, who does not show us Ulysses “an idle king, matched with an aged wife, meting laws to a savage race," but leaves him fresh from the slaughter of the suitors, from the first embrace of his wife and father, and from the conquest of his disaffected subjects. Accordingly, the poem divides itself into two parts, the wanderings being embraced by the first, the Italian war by the second. But the two parts naturally involve different modes of treatment, comprehending as they do periods of time widely differing in length, the one seven years, the other apparently a few days. Here again the example of Homer is followed. The long period of wanderings is taken at a point not far from its conclusion; enough is told in detail to serve as a specimen of the whole, and the rest is related more summarily by the help of an obvious expedient, the hero being made to narrate his past adventures to the person whose relation to him is all the time forming one adventure more. This peculiarity of the Homeric story is noticed by Horace in a well-known passage of his Art of Poetry (vv. 146 foll.), and recommended to the adoption of Epic writers generally; but he does not clearly indicate the reason of it, which doubtless is the wish to avoid that fatal dryness which seems to be inseparable from all narratives where the events of many years are told continuously in a short compass. [See vol. I. p. xxxv. foll. (fourth edition).-H. N.]

The First Book of the Aeneid may be said to perform well the objects which it was no doubt intended to accomplish,—those of interesting us in the hero and introducing the story. After a brief statement of the subject, we have a view of the supernatural machinery by which it is to be worked out; and this, though imitated from Homer, where the solitary rancour of Poseidon against Ulysses answers to the solitary rancour of Juno against Aeneas, is skilfully contrived so as to throw a light on the subsequent history of the Roman descendants of Aeneas, by the mention, even at that early time, of their great enemy, Carthage. It is probable, as I have said in the general Introduction to the Aeneid, that the merit of this thought may be due to Naevius, who seems to have been the first to commit the felicitous anachronism of bringing Aeneas and Dido together; but it must be allowed to be in strict accordance with the spirit of Virgil's poem, which is throughout that of historical anticipation. Like Ulysses, Aeneas is shipwrecked in the voyage which was to have been his last, the main difference being that the Grecian hero is solitary, having long since lost all his companions, while the Trojan is still accomVOL. II.


panied by those who followed his fortunes from Troy. The machinery by which the storm is allayed is perhaps managed more adroitly by Virgil than by Homer, as there seems to be more propriety in representing the inferior god of the winds as counteracted by the superior god of the sea, than in making a sea nymph rescue one whom the god of the 'sea is seeking to destroy. But if Virgil has obtained an advantage over Homer, it is with the help of Homer's weapons, as the interview between Juno and Aeolus obviously owes its existence to the interview between Here and the God of Sleep. The dialogue of Venus and Jupiter appears to be another appropriation from Naevius; but, as in the former case, Virgil seems to have established his right to what he has borrowed by the perfect fitness with which a prophecy of the destiny of Rome is introduced at the commencement of a poem intended to be a monument of Roman greatness. The remaining incidents of the First Book need not detain us much longer. As a general rule, they are borrowed from Homer; but we may admire the skill with which Virgil has introduced varieties of detail, as where Ulysses, listening to songs about Troy, reappears in Aeneas looking at sculptures or paintings of Trojan subjects, and the art with which a new impression is produced by a combination of old materials, in making the friendly power that receives Aeneas unite the blandishments of Calypso with the hospitality of Alcinous, and so engrafting a tale of passion on a narrative of ordinary adventure. The suggestion of the employment of Cupid by Venus was evidently taken from the loan of Aphrodite's cestus in Homer and the assistance rendered by the God of Love in Apollonius; but the treatment of the thouglit is original and happy; and the few lines which describe the removal of Ascanius to Idalia might themselves suggest a subject for poetry to some Keats or Shelley, in whose mind the seed casually dropped by Virgil should expand and germinate.

ARMA virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris 1-7.] ‘I sing tho hero who founded lines.-H. N.] Those who speak of them the Trojan kingdom in Italy, his voyages as an introduction to the poem, forget and his wars.'

that if genuine they are an integral part 1.] This line is preceded in some MSS. of the first sentence; and that it is, to by the following verses,

say the least, remarkable that the exor“Ille ego, qui quondam gracili modu- dium should be so constructed as to be latus arena

at once interwoven with the context, and Carmen et egressus silvis vicina coegi yet capable of removal without detriUt quamvis avido parerentarva colono,

ment to the construction, just at the Gratum opus agricolis : at nunc hor: point which forms a much better comrentia Martis."

mencement. The words 'arma virumque'

are quoted by Martial, 8. 56., 19. 14., They are not found in Med., Rom., Gud., 185. 2, and Auson. Epig. 137. 1, evidently or the Verona fragments (Pal. and the as a real commencement of the Aeneid; fragments of Vat. and St. Gall seem to while Ovid, Trist. 2. 533, and Persius, fail here), and the only MS. in Ribbeck's 1. 96, quote 'arma virumque,' or 'arma list which contains them (the Berne MS. virum, as important and independent No. 172) has them written in the margin words, which they cease to be the by a later hand. They appear to have moment "arma’ is viewed in connexion existed in the time of Suetonius, who says with the words supposed to precede it. (Vita Vergilii 42) that Nisus the gram- [The words “arma virumque'— litora,' marian had heard a story of their having are quoted in an inscription (Corpus been expunged by Tucca and Varius; on Inscr. Lat., vol. 2, No. 4967, 31) assigned which Heyne remarks, “Si res ita se by Hübner to the first century A.D. habet, acutior sane Varius Vergilio fuit." "Arma virumque cano' has also been [Suetonius, it should be remembered, is found scribbled on the walls of Pompeii. a poor authority on matters of criticism; -H. N.] Virg. himself, 9. 777, bas (of he has no difficulty, for instance, in ac- the poet Clytius) “Semper equos atque cepting the Culex as genuine. Ti. arma virum pugnasque canebat.” Comp. Donatus knows nothing of these four also Ov. 1 Amor. 15. 25, Prop. 3. 26. 63,

Italiam, fato profugus, Lavinaque venit


which point the same way. Macrob. Sat. Epic writers have followed Virg. The 5. 2 quotes Troiae qui primus ab oris' as earlier commentators have found a diffipart of the first verse of the Aeneid. On culty in reconciling 'primus' with Antethe other hand Priscian 940 Pcites nor's previous migration (below, vv. 242 • Ille ego qui quondam gracili modulatus foll.), and suggest that Aeneas had first

as Virg.'s. Henry's view that reached Italy proper, though Antenor “arma Martis' is happily contrasted with had previously reached Venetia. [Ti. 'arma agricolae' (comp. G. 1. 160) seems Donatus says "primus fato, quia alii ex to be favoured by the structure of the eventu ad Italiam fuerant delati, Aeneas sentence, and may very possibly have vero compulsus.”—H. N.) On the other been present to the mind of the author hand, Heyne and Wagn. make 'primus' of these lines; but it clearly was not equivalent to olim,' thus weakening a present to the minds of those who quoted word which from its position and its 'arma' by itself as war. Tastes may occurrence in the first line of the poem differ as to the rival commencements, on must be emphatic. The more obvious which see Henry in loco, and on 2. 247; sense is that Aeneas is so called without but it may be suggested that Virg. would reference to Antenor, as the founder of scarcely in his first sentence have divided the great Trojan empire in Italy. the attention of the reader between him 2.] Fato,' a mixture of modal and self and his hero by saying, in effect, that instrum. abl., as in 4. 696., 6. 449, 466, the poet who wrote the Eclogues and the &c. Here it seems to go with profugus, Georgics, sings the hero who founded though it might go with “venit:' comp. Rome. (It should be added that sup. 10. 67. Perhaps the force may be " proposing the Aeneid to have begun with fugus quidem, sed fato profugus,' a * arma virumque cano,' the first seven glorious and heaven-sent fugitive. So lines of the poem will be found to corre- Livy 1. 1., comp. by Weidner, “ Aenean spond strikingly in rhythm with the first ab simili clade domo profugum sed ad seven lines of the Iliad. Did Ennius maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis.” begin his poem with “arma"? Horace For the poetic accus. ‘Italiam-Lavina 1 Epist. 19. 7, “ Ennius ipse pater nun- litora,' without the preposition, see Madv. quam nisi potus ad arma Prosiluit $ 232, obs. 4. The MSS. are divided dicenda.”—H. N.] Wagn. and Forb., between “Lavinaque,” · Laviniaque,' and bowever, as well as Henry, consider the perhaps · Lavinia.' The last, however, lines as genuine ; and they have been though adopted by Burm. and Heyne, imitated by Spenser in the opening of and approved by Heins., seems to rest the Faery Queene, and Milton in the solely on the authority of Med., which opening of Paradise Regained.

has · Lavinia' (corrected into · Lavina'), · Arma virumque:'this is an imitation with a mark of erasure after the word. of the opening of the Odyssey, čvopa uou “Laviniaque' is found in the Verona έννεπε κ.τ.λ. It may also be taken from fragm., and is supported by quotations the first line of the Cyclic poem of the in Terentianus Maurus and Diomedes, Epigoni, preserved by the Schol. on Aris- and in single MSS. of Priscian, Centoph. Peace 1270, Nûv aid Ólotépwv åv- sorinus, and Sergius in artem Donati. Opwv àpxóueta, MoùJar. It is followed by · Lavinaque’ is found in the inscription all the other Roman writers of epic quoted on v. 1, in Rom., Gud., and propoetry, Lucan, Flaccus, Statius, and, bably most other MSS., and is supported above all, Silius, the most faithful copier by quotations in Macrobius, Gellius, of Virg., with a unanimity which strongly Marius Victorinus, Pompeius, the Schol. supports the view taken in the preceding on Lucan, most MSS. of Priscian, and note. The words are not a hendiadys, one of Censorinus. Servius mentions but give first the character of the subject both readings, saying, “ Lavina legenand then the subject itself. Arma' dum est, non Lavinia.” Lavinia' is may have been intended to suggest, supported by 4. 236: but the synizesis, though it does not express, a contrast though not unexampled (comp. 5. 269., between this and Virg.'s previous poems. 6. 33, and see on G. 4. 213), is perhaps --In commencing with cano' he has awkward, especially in the second line of followed his own example in the Gcor- the poem, and the imitation in Prop. 3. gics, rather than that of Homer, who at 26. 64, “ Iactaque Lavinis moenia litori. once invokes the Muse; and the Latin bus," is in favour of the form · Lavina.'

' qua ex

Litora, multum ille et terris iactatus et alto
Vi superum, saevae memorem Iunonis ob iram,
Multa quoque et bello passus, dum conderet urbem,

Inferretque deos Latio, genus unde Latinum
Albanique patres atque altae moenia Romae.

Musa, mihi causas memora, quo numine laeso,
Juv. 12. 71 has “novercali sedes praelata Quoque' and 'et' of course form a
Lavino,” though there as in Prop: the pleonasın, though the former appears to
quadrisyllabic form might be introduced be connected with multa,' and the latter
and explained by synizesis. On the with • bello.' Dum conderet' like
whole, I have preferred •Lavinaque,' “dum fugeret,” G. 4. 457, where see
believing the form to be possible in it- note. Here we might render in the

(comp: “ Campanus," “Lucanus,” struggle to build his city.' So Hom. Od. Appulus,” &c.), and more probable in 1. 4 foll., nomná nádev... αρνύμενος κ.τ.λ. . this instance; the modern editors how. The clause belongs to multa bello ever are generally for ‘Laviniaque.' passus, rather than to iactatus.' Lachmann on Lucr. 2. 719 speaks doubt 6.] “Victosque Penatis inferre,” 8. 11. fully. The epithet which belonged to 'Unde' may be taken either as the place after the foundation of the city re,” or as "a quo,” as in v. 568., 6. 706, by Aeneas is given to it here, as in 4. &c. The latter seems more probable. 236, by a natural anticipation at the 'Genus Latinum,' • Albani patres,' .altae time of his landing.

moenia Romae, denote the three ascend3.] The imitation of the exordium of ing stages of the empire which sprang the Odyssey continues, "multum ille from Aeneas, Lavinium, Alba, and Rome. iactatus ... multa quoque passus,' being Comp. 12. 823 foll., which is a good modelled on πολλά πλάγχθη . . mox à 8commentary on the present passage. öye ... mádev: “ille,' as so often in Virg.;

• Albani patres' probably means not standing for the Homeric Gye. Multum,' our Alban ancestors,' but the senate, or &c., used to be pointed as a separate rather the noble houses of Alba, of which sentenco; it is however evidently con the Julii were one. structed with “venit,' so that ille' is 8–11.] “Why was it, Muse, that Juno virtually pleonastic. Comp. 5. 457., 6. so persecuted so pious a hero ? 593., 9. 479. Here it appears rhetori 8.] ‘Causae' is not unfrequently used cally to be equal to quidem.' •Iactatus' where we should be content with the is naturally transferred from wanderings sing., e. g. v. 414., 2. 105., 3. 32., 6. 710, by sea to wanderings by land. In such the last of which will illustrate the passages as vv. 332, 668, we see the point epexegetical clause "quo – inpulerit.' of transition. So 5. 627, “cum freta, cum • Memora' is appropriate, as the Muses terras omnis ... emensae ferimur."

were connected with memory: comp. 7. 4.] ‘Vi superum’expresses the general 615, and see note on E. 7. 19.—There are agency, like fato profugus,' though Juno various ways of taking quo numine was his only personal enemy. (Ti. Do- laeso.' Some think there is a change of natus, like Gossrau in our time, seems to construction, and that “inpulsus fuerit,” have taken .vi superum'as = Bią oewv, or something like it, should have followed; in spite of heaven. “ Vis enim non est," so that Virgil should have imitated he says, “nisi cum fit aliquid contra Homer, Il. 1. 8, Tís al op oowe Dewv épidu legem, hoc est, contra fatum.”—H. N.] Evvenke udxeoloi ; But this, as Heyne But there is no authority for such an remarks, though not uvexampled, would interpretation. ["Saevae :' “non saevam be a singular piece of loose writing so potentem dixit, ut alii volunt, sed revera early in the poem, and would moreover saevam, quae persequeretur innocentem.” involve the inconsistency of first saying Ti. Donatus.--H. N.] For 'memorem that it was Juno, saevae memorem iram' comp. Livy 9. 29, “ Traditur cen. Iunonis ob iram, and then asking the sorem etiam Appium memori Deum ira Muse what god it was. Others make post aliquot annos luminibus captum.” 'numine' nearly equivalent to “volunSo Aesch. Ag. 155, uvduwv uñvis. Ob tate,' citing 2. 123, “quae sint ea numina iram,' below, V. 251, 'to sate the wrath.' divom; ” but even supposing that “nu

5.] ' Passus,'constructed like iactatus.' men’in this sense might be taken dis

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Quidve dolens, regina deum tot volvere casus
Insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores
Inpulerit. Tantaene animis caelestibus irae ?


Urbs antiqua fuit, Tyrii tenuére coloni,
Karthago, Italiam contra Tiberinaque longé
Ostia, dives opum studiísque asperrima belli;
Quam Iunó fertur terrís magis omnibus unam

15 tributively, which the passage above of all duties to gods, parents, kinsmen, quoted does not prove, laeso' would friends, and country. "Adire periculum” scarcely be appropriate to 'numine' in is not uncommon in Cicero; see Forc. this sense, while the words frequently 11.] It is difficult to say whether occur in conjunction in the sense of out- animis caelestibus' is a dat. with an raged majesty. Comp. 2. 183, Hor. Epod. ellipsis of the verb substantive or the 15. 3, and Macleane's note. Heyne ablative. [ Impulerit' Verona fragm., accepts Servi's proposal of separating 'impulerat Rom.-H. N.] quo' from 'numine,' and taking it in 12—33.] Juno was patroness of Carthe sense of "qua re," "qua causa," thage, which, she had heard, was destined which would be extremely harsh. It re one day to be crushed by a nation of mains then, with Wagn., to regard the Trojan descent. Hence she persecuted expression as equivalent to " * quam ob the Trojans, who were already her enelaesionem numinis sui ;” referring it to mies, and kept them away from Italy.' the cases already noticed on E. 1. 53, 12.] ‘Urbs antiqua,' said with reference where the pronoun or pronominal adjec- to Virg.'s own age. For the parenthetical tive stands for its corresponding adverb. construction • Tyrii tenuere coloni, comp. Thus the negative answer to‘quo numine v. 530 below, “ Est locus, Hesperiam laeso' would be “nullum numen Iunonis Grai cognomine dicunt.” “Tyrii coloni,' laesit.” Or we may say that •numen settlers from Tyre,' as “ Dardaniis cololaesum' alone would stand for “laesio nis," 7. 422, are settlers from Troy. numinis” (see Madv. $ 426), and that in 13.] [. Carthago' Rom. Verona fragm., such a construction the question could --H. N.] Longe,' as contrasted with the hardly be asked otherwise than by making adjacent islands. The sense is clear the interrogative pronoun agree with the (" Against the Tiber's mouth, but far noun. (Henry's interpretation now is, away,” Dryden), though it is not easy to ** what arbitrium of hers being offended, determine the exact grammatical position i.e. her arbitrium or free will and pleasure of longe.' The choice seems to lie being offended in what respect." —H. N.) between connecting it with contra' and No charge of impiety strictly could be making it an adverbial adjunct of ‘ostia,' brought against Aeneas, but there might i. q. 'longe distantia.' The latter is a be • dolores, such as are mentioned vv. Grecism (Wund. comp. TOÙ Terapôvos 23—28, which impelled Juno to persecute Tnabdev ožkov, Soph. Aj. 201), but may eren one renowned for piety.

perhaps be supported by the use of 9.] · Volvere :' see on G. 2. 295, super .” 3. 489, note. It appears that “ Multa virum volvens durando saecula some in the time of Serv. actually took vincit.” The misfortunes are regarded longe' with dives.' as a destined circle which Aeneas goes 14.] ‘Dives opum,' 2. 22. Opum ’inthrough. [So 6. 748 "ubi mille rotam cludes all sources of power. • Asperrima' volvere per annos.” Henry now supposes is the epithet of war (9. 667., 11. 635., 12. the metaphor to be from a rolling stone 121) applied to the warlike nation. or wheel.-H. N.]

Given to the stern pursuits of war.' 10.] • Insignem pietate'(6.403) clarac- “Ad bella studium,” G. 3. 179. terizes the hero, as moAÚT Potov does 15.] Germ. comp. Od. 8. 284, o yarów Ulysses in the commencement of the πολύ φιλτάτη εστίν απασέων. . . Unam Odyssey. The contrast, however, between magis omnibus coluisse' piety and sufferings is made in the case nium maxime coluisse." The Astarte of of Ulysses himself, od. 1. 60 foll., 66 the Phoenicians is identified, in the loose foll. "Pietas' includes the performance way common among the ancients, witli

66 unam om

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