To carry this plan into effect, treaties were made with the Osages and the Kanzas Indians, extinguishing their titles to the territory west of the Mississippi, excepting to certain reservations for their own use. By these treaties, a tract was provided for those Indians who might be induced to emigrate from the states on the east side of the river. The Indians, however, were generally unwilling to remove, and at a meeting with some of the tribes of Ohio, in May, 1825, they refused to do anything to promote the views of our government. The Shawanee tribe in Missouri, however, exchanged their lands for a tract in the territory purchased from the Osages, and agreed to remove thither. Treaties of amity and protection were also made with most of the tribes in that vast tract betweeen Missouri and Mexico, by which the Indians permitted the United States to lay out a road through their lands, for the traders between those places, who had become numerous and entitled to attention.

The system proposed by Mr. Monroe, for the preservation and civilization of the aborigines, it was found impossible to carry into operation, on account of the reluctance of the Indians to dispose of more of their territory; a modification was therefore proposed by Mr. Barbour, the secretary of war, which was submitted to the nineteenth Congress. The outlines of this new plan were, to set apart the territory west of the Mississippi, beyond the states and territories, and that east of the Mississippi, lying west of lakes Huron and Michigan, for their exclusive abode, under a territorial government, to be maintained by the United States. Secondly, to induce them to remove as individuals, and not in tribes, and to leave those who do not wish to go, in their present circumstances. Thirdly, when circumstances should justify it, to amalgamate the tribes in one mass, and distribute their property among the individual Indians. Common schools to be established in the villages; assistance to be afforded them in commencing agricultural life; to furnish them with stock, grain, and fences; and to commute the annuities now paid to them, for a fixed sum, to be divided as individual property, were also recommended as the details of this system.

The benevolent views of the government were now prosecuted without interruption, and a visible improvement was yearly manifested in the condition of the remaining tribes. The appropriations made by the nineteenth Congress, at the first session, to the Indian department, for the civilization of the aborigines, and to fulfil the treaties made with them, amounted to nearly one million of dollars. The number of Indians in the several states and territories, appeared, by a report from the secretary of war, at the beginning of the year, to be about 130,000; of which about 97,000 were east of the Mississippi, and south of Michigan. Many of these were partially civilized, as the Creek, Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw nations in the south, and some of the eastern Indians, leaving only between forty and fifty thousand Indians whose removal could be effected with propriety.

Toward the Florida Indians, who were in a state of great suffering from want of food, the government manifested its usual humanity. A bill appropriating twenty thousand dollars to furnish them with the means of subsistence, was passed by Congress, and they were relieved from their distress.

During the last session of the eighteenth Congress, appropriations were made for surveying and laying out sundry important roads in Arkansas, Missouri, and Florida, and the secretary of the treasury was authorized to aid the Chesapeake and Delaware canal, by subscribing one hundred and fifty thousand dollars to its capital stock. An appropriation, already alluded to in our sketch of Mr. Monroe's administration, was also made for making surveys in different parts of the Union. The topographical corps, which had been enlarged, was actively employed during the summer in executing these surveys. The constitutional objections to internal improvements by the general government seemed to have been overruled by the decisions of several successive Congresses, and during this year the attention of the federal government was particularly directed to the improvement of the internal communications between the states.*

The Marquis de La Fayette having spent over a year in visiting the different parts of the United States, and been everywhere received with the utmost enthusiasm and affection by the people, took leave of his American friends in the month of September, 1825. A new frigate named the Brandywine, in honor of La Fayette, who distinguished himself in the battle at that place during the revolutionary war, was provided to transport him to France. On the invitation of President Adams, the " nation's guest" passed a few weeks at the president's house, in Washington, and on the day of his departure, the 7th of September, the president took leave of him in an eloquent and impressive address, in presence of the civil authorities of the District of Columbia, the heads of departments, and a concourse of citizens, assembled at the president's house to join in the affecting ceremonies. The parting address of Mr. Adams was delivered with great dignity, though with evident emotion, and produced a deep impression.

The first session of the nineteenth Congress commenced on the 5th of December, 1825, and continued until the 22d of May, 1826. Mr. Calhoun, the vice-president, took the chair in the senate, and Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, was chosen president pro tem. previous to the adjournment in May. A large proportion of the members of the house of representatives had been chosen before the election of president, and on account of the peculiar circumstances of that election, there was some doubt whether a majority would be found in the house in favor of the administration. On the second ballot for speaker, however, John W. Taylor, of New York, a friend of the administration, received 99 votes, against 94 for all others,

• American Annual Register.

and was elected. In the senate the administration had a decided majority, but it soon became obvious that in both houses the friends of General Jackson and Mr. Crawford, with few exceptions, were disposed to unite, and embarrass and defeat the measures proposed by the president and his cabinet, or by their friends in Congress.

Many of the most important of the suggestions in the president's message were not acted on during the session; other topics having occupied the attention of Congress, which were introduced apparently for the purpose of agitating the public mind on the subject of the recent election of president. Amendments to the constitution were proposed in the senate by Mr. Benton, of Missouri, to provide for a direct vote by the people, in districts, for president, and dispensing with the colleges of electors; and by Mr. McDuffie, of South Carolina, in the house, providing for a choice of electors by districts, and preventing the choice of president from devolving on the house of representatives. Mr. Benton's proposition was accompanied with an able report, but no action was taken on it in the senate. A long and spirited debate took place in the house on the proposed amendments, in the course of which Mr. M'Duffie went into a history of the late election, censuring in severe terms the course of Mr. Clay and his friends, to which Mr. Trimble, of Kentucky, and others, replied in severe and pointed language, which caused a scene of great excitement. On the first resolution, which took the election from Congress, the house divided, 123 in the affirmative, and 64 in the negative. The second resolution, in favor of the district system, was rejected, by a vote of 101 to 91. The subject was then referred to a select committee of twenty-four, one from each state, which, at the close of the session, reported that they had not been able to agree upon any plan to prevent the election from devolving upon Congress, and, on request, the committee was discharged from any further consideration of the matter. The only effect of this attempt to amend the constitution was to excite the feelings of members, and to arthem into parties for and against the administration, in a more decided manner, and compelled them, in some measure, to determine upon their ultimate course, before its measures had been fairly tried. About one third of the session was occupied in the discussion of the proposed amendments. In the senate, a resolution offered by Mr. Macon, to inquire into the expediency of reducing the patronage of the executive, was referred to a committee of which Mr. Benton was chairman, who reported at length on the subject, and introduced six bills, in conformity therewith. An unusual number of copies of the report and bills was ordered to be printed for circulation among the people, and then the subject was left with other unfinished business.

ray

The recommendation in the president's message, that the United States should take part in a congress of North and South American states, proposed to be held at Panama, was at this time the subject of great political

interest, and much agitated in Congress at this session. In certain official conversations had in the spring of 1825, with the ministers of those powers, invitations were given, on the part of Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, to the United States, to send commissioners to Panama. The proposed congress at that place was supposed to have been first suggested by General Bolivar, who was for some time at the head of the republic of Colombia; and that Peru and Chili should also join in it. The views of Bolivar were, to form a close alliance, and to pledge mutual assistance to resist European governments.

Mr. Clay, the secretary of state, in replying to the communications from the ministers of the republios of Spanish America, remarked, that those communications were received with proper feelings of the friendly motives which dictated them; but that the United States could not take any part in the existing war with Spain, nor in councils for deliberating on its further prosecution; though the president believed that such a congress might be highly useful in settling several important disputed questions of public law, and in arranging other matters of deep interest to the American continent, and strengthening the bonds of friendship between the American powers; that it appeared to him, however, expedient, before such a congress met, to adjust, as preliminary matters, the precise objects to which the attention of the congress would be directed, and the substance and form of the power of the ministers representing the several republics. In reply to this suggestion, notes were received from them, stating the objects of the assembly, and formally renewing the invitation. The president determined to accept this invitation, and to send ministers to the congress, should the senate consent to the measure.

This determination he mentioned in his opening message to Congress, and on the 26th of December he sent to the senate a confidential message, setting forth the objects of the Panama congress; his reasons for accepting the invitation to send commissioners; and nominating Richard C. Anderson and John Sergeant as ministers on the part of the United States, and William B. Rochester, of New York, as secretary to the mission.

This message, with the accompanying documents, was referred to the committee on foreign relations, by whom a report was made on the 16th of January, 1826, condemning the mission, and ending with a resolution, declaring it to be inexpedient to send ministers to Panama.

It should be remarked, that the vice-president, Mr. Calhoun, who early gave indications of a disposition to act with the opposition, in thwarting the measures of the administration, was empowered, by the rules of the senate, to appoint all the committees of that body. In the exercise of that power he was careful to appoint a majority of those who were known to be unfriendly to the administration, upon most of the important commitCommittees thus selected necessarily brought in reports unfavorable to the measures supported by the friends of the administration. The

tees.

inconvenience of this state of things induced the senate, at the latter part of the session, to take from the vice-president the power of appointing the committees. It was, however, too late to remedy the evils which had been produced by the attitude that the senate had been forced to assume, with respect to the executive, as well as the popular branch of Congress.

The report of the committee on foreign relations occasioned a long debate in secret session in the senate, and the resolution reported by that committee, condemning the Panama mission, was negatived by a vote of 24 to 19, on the 14th of March. The nominations by the president were then confirmed by the senate; and the injunction of secresy on the subject removed from the journal. Thus the administration was sustained in this measure by the senate; and in the house of representatives the bill making the appropriation for the mission, was carried, after a debate of many days, on the 21st of April, by a vote of 133 to 61.

The house having thus concurred with the senate in assenting to the policy of the mission, measures were taken to carry it into effect; and orders were transmitted to Mr. Anderson, who was then minister to Colombia, to attend the congress, which was to hold its first meeting in the month of June. In his way to Panama he was unfortunately attacked, at Carthagena, by a malignant fever, which proved fatal, and deprived the country of an able and useful representative.

The delay that had been occasioned by the long and protracted discussions to which this measure had been subjected, in both houses of Congress, thus prevented any representation of the United States in the congress at Panama; it having been found impossible for Mr. Sergeant to prepare, in the short time which remained after the decision of the house, before the meeting of the congress, for his departure, and the approach of the unhealthy season having rendered a journey across the isthmus to Panama peculiarly dangerous.

The representatives of Peru, Mexico, Central America, and Colombia, met there on the 22d of June, 1826. Upper Peru, or Bolivia, had not then organized its government, and was not represented, nor was the republic of Chili. The governments of England and the Netherlands, though uninvited, sent diplomatic agents, who were not permitted to be present during the deliberations of the congress, but communications were made to them of their proceedings.

The congress continued in session until the 15th of July, and concluded between themselves a treaty of friendship and perpetual confedera tion, to which all other American powers might accede within the year. The treaties between the assembled powers were recognised and renewed, and the meeting of the congress annually in time of common war, and biennially in time of peace, agreed upon. The next meeting was ordered to be held at Tacubaya, a village near the city of Mexico, in February, 1837.