Proclamation, respecting Aliens, dared 31st day of August, 1803.

GEORGE R- --Whereas under the present circumstances much danger may arise to the public tranquillity from Alien enemies resorting to, and residing in Great Britain: And whereas by an Act passed in the forty-third year of our reign, iatituled "An Act to repeal an Act passed in the last session of Parliament for establishing regu"lations respecting Aliens arriving in this King"dum, or resident therein; and for establishing, * until three months after the ratification of a "Definitive Treaty of Peace, regulations respect❝ing Aliens, arriving in this Kingdom, or resi "dent therein, in certain cases," due provision has been made for inflicting penalties on all such Aliens as shall disobey any Proclamation issued by us, directing that such Aliens shall depart the United Kingdom: now we, being desirous of carrying into execution the intent and meaning of the said Act, and thereby providing for the genetal safety of the Realm, do, by this our Proclamation, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, order and direct, that all Aliens being subjects of the French Republic, or of any place belonging to, or under the dominion of the government of the French Republic, or of any country or terrttory at war with us, who shall have arrived in Great Britain since the first day of October, one thousand eight hundred and one, and on or before this day the thirty-first of August (other than such Aliens as are hereinafter excepted), shall depart Great Britain in manner hereinafter mentioned; that is to say,All such Aliens residing within the City and Liberties of Westminster, or elsewhere within the Bills of Mortality, or within the Parishes of Saint Mary-le-Bone, Paddington, Pancras, or Saint Luke at Chelsea, on or before the nfteenth day of Sep ember, one thouand eight hundred and three.-And all such Aliens residing in other parts of Great Britain (except as herein after excepted shall depart Great Britain on or before the twentieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and three.And we do further declare and make known, that every such Alien who shall knowingly and wilfully refuse or neglect to pay due obedience to this our Royal Proclamation, and shall be found in Great Britaio contrary to such Proclamation, will be liable to be arrested and committed to the common gaol of the county or place where he or she shall be so arrested, there to remain without bail or mainprize until he or she shall be taken in charge, for the purpose of being sent out of Great Britain; and if any such Alien seat out of Great Britain in pursuance of this our Proclamation shall, without licence for that purpose by one of our Principal -Secretaries of State, return into any part of the United Kingdom, such Alien being duly convicted thereof, will be liable to be transported for life according to the provisions of the said Act.And in order the better to enable such Aliens to comply with this our Proclamation and the said Act, we have caused to be provided ships and vessels at Grave send, for conveying such Aliens to some port or ports on the Continent of Europe : And all such Aliens as are desirous to avail themselves of this accommodation are directed to repair to Gravesend on or before the tourteenth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and three: And all such Aliens repairing to Gravesend, and having obtained their passports conformably to the said Act, by applying at the Alica

Office in Crown-court, Westminster, shall be permitted to embark, and shall be conveyed on board the said ships to be furnished by us, free of expense, to some port or ports on the Continent of Europe. And all such Aliens as shall decline availing themselves of this accommodation for carrying them out of Great Britain, free of expense, are hereby required nevertheless to repair to the port of Loudon, and to none other port, and there to embark, having their passports conformably to the sai1 Act, to be obtained on application to the Alien Office, as aforesaid, in order to depart on or before the said fifteenth or twentieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and three, respectively, as the case may require, under the penalties hercinbetore mentioned.-Provided that nothing herein contained shall be construed to repeal any part of cur Proclamation of the twelfth of this instart August, requiring the Aliens therein mentioned to reside within the limits therein described, except in cases where any Aliens as aforesaid, shall be bona fide proceeding on their journey to the port of London and of Gravesend, in order to embark and depart thereat from Great Britain.--Provided always, that this our Proclamation shall not extend to any Foreign Ambassador, or other public Minister duly authorised, or the servants actually attending upon such Ambassador or public Minister, or any domestic servant of any of our natural born subjects, or of any subject who has been made denizen, or naturalized, such servant being actually and bond fide cmployed in the service of their respective masters; nor to any such Alien as shall, by virtue of a li cence under the hand and seal of one of our principal Secretaries of State, or such person or persons as shall be appointed for that purpose, be authorised to dwell and reside in some part of Great Britain.We do hereby charge and command that all Aliens to whom this relates, do pay due obedience to the same, and that ail Justices of the Peace, Mayors, and other Magistrates, and all Constables and other Peace Officers, do respectively use their utmost diligence to enforce the same.

Cop of a Letter from the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Middlesex to the Commanders of the Volunteer Corps.

London, August 26.

SIR, As I have found, that many volunteer corps, formed in this County, have proceeded upon the idea, that their numbers were not limited by the King's approval of their proposals, I take the liberty of troubling you with this letter, to request that you will furnish me, with as little delay as possible, with an accurate return of the establishment of the corps under your command distinguishing the field and staff-officers, if any, and specifying the number of troops or companies, with the established proportion of officers, non-commissioned officers, drummers, and privates in each, together with the number of supernumeraries at present enrolled in, or attached to your corps, in a separate column.1 think it necessary to apprise you, that without the King's approbation previously obtained, the corps must not be extended beyond the number for which the King's permission has been already granted; at the same time I have reason to hope that no objection will be made to the addition of supernumeraries (when applied for) to establi-bed corps, provided it is perfectly understood, that they will be entitled to no exemptions, and will put government to no expense of any kind. 1 am, &c

SCOTT TICHFIELD.

INTELLIGENCE.

FOREIGN.-Advices from Sierra Leone, have been received in London, dated on the 10th day of July, which represent the colony to be perfectly tranquil, and the military works, which have been erected, to be completely adequate to its defence. The failure of the rice-crops had produced some distress, but the colonists, who now consist partly of Maroons, were in daily expectation of supplies from England.- St. Domingo, Martinique, and Guadaloupe have experienced some distress in consequence of the severity with which all trade to those islands is annoyed by the British cruizers. The Americans have been invited to bring in their produce, without its being subject to the payment of any duties whatsoever, and several American vessels which have entered the ports of those islands have disposed of their cargoes with immense profit. The negroes of St. Domingo have divided, and the two hostile parties lately had an engagement which was attended with considerable slaughter. Great consternation prevails in Martinique, caused by the fear which the inhabitants entertain of an attack from the English and as the island is in a defenceless state, it could make but feeble resistance. For some time past there has been a considerable scarcity at Guadaloupe; and Ernouf, the Governor, has declared Basseterre, Point-Petre, and the other principal ports, free to the importation of naval and military stores and provisions of every kind : he has also issued a proclamation, filled with the most bitter invectives against Great Britain. Accounts from Jamaica, by the way of the United States confirm the report of a conspiracy among the negroes in that island. Port Royal was to have been burnt, and the inhabitants massacred: the plot, however was discovered, several boxes of arms were seized, and many of the negroes who were concerned, were apprehended and executed.

DOMESTIC.-A proclamation was issued by the King, on the 31st of August, requiring all foreigners, who may be the subjects of any state at war with his Majesty, and who may have arrived within this country since the 1st of October, 1801, to depart from the kingdom before the 15th of September.*The trials of those concerned in the rebellion in Ireland, began on the 1st inst. at Dublin: several were condemned, and two of them have been since executed in Thomas Street. The Attorney

* See page 361.

The

General stated "the characters and num. "bers of the insurgents to be contemptible "in the extreme," and said that "those “in Dublin, joined by those in the coun "try, did not exceed 500 men." He im. puted the insurrection" to the joint efforts "of those old traitors who had been suf"fered to remain, and those who had re "turned from transportation;" and declared the temper of the country to be, at present, "much better disposed to resist the intrigues of traitors, than at any former period."――The indecision which marks the conduct of Government towards the vo lunteers has increased the disobedient spirit of those corps, and caused great dissatisfaction among the people in general. members of one of those heterogeneous associations in the western part of the metropolis, met some days ago, to deliberate on the plan which had been communicated to them, by their colonel, for reducing their number and after a very long discussion it was determined that the plan was such as the c rps could not possibly receive." This determination is to be made known to the Government, and it is understood, that if all these persons be not exempted from the operation of the Army of Reserve and the Militia Bills, they will all lay down their arms. -Early in the morning of the 24 inst. a fire broke out in Astley's Theatre, and in the course of a few hours, that, and several of the adjacent buildings were completely destroyed, and many others greatly damaged. Mr. A.'s loss is stated to be £28,000.--A chain of night signals has been formed with fire-beacons along the coast of Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cambridge.--On the 30th ult. a notice was issued by Lord Hawkesbury, informing Foreign Powers, that the Port of Havre de Grace was back. aded by the ships of his Britannic Majesty.*

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MILITARY.The French are raising 12,000 men in Switzerland, who are to renain in the service of the Republic during the continuance of the present war.—It is said, that 40,000 French troops, destined to attack Portugal, have entered Spain; and that the Spaniards themselves, are engaged in great military preparations. A large body of French troops which was stationed in the envirous of Mantua, lately crossed the Adige, and having passed through Ferrara and Ancona has entered the Neapolitan do minions.-Gen. Mortier has marched with the greatest part of the army which he commanded in Hanover, towards the coast

* See page 359.

of Holland, in order to join the troops now collecting there for the invasion of England. -The Batavian troops are assembling in North Holland and Zealand, and a considerable force has been sent to the Island of Walcheren.--Accounts from Ceylon on the 9th of February, state that a corps of Militia had been formed there, for the protection of the town and district. Gen. Macdowal's army was at Kattaderria, upon the Candian frontiers, and were in daily expectation of crossing the Kaymelle.

NAVAL. Letters from Cape François dated the 14th of July, state that the blockade is strictly kept up by the British crursers, and that a great number of ships have

been taken and sent into Jamaica. Several French vessels were, a short time ago, cut out of the harbour of Jeremie, notwithstanding that a very heavy fire was kept up from the batteries on shore. Two French 74's and 4 frigates were preparing to sail for Europe, and men were pressed from all the merchant ships at the Cape, to complete their crews.The entrance of Port Royal in Martinique, is closely blockaded by one of our small squadrons, and the inhabitants of the island are in perpetual dread of an attack from our troops. --British ships are constantly cruising off Guadaloupe, and se veral prizes have been made, and sent in.— On the 14th of June, Capt. Mowbray, in the Maidstone, captured the French brig L'Arab, of 8 guns and 58 men, returning from Athens to L'Orient.--Advices have been received from the Mediterranean stating that Lord Nelson had been joined by Sir Richard Bickerton's squadron.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PRINCE OF WALES. - The censures which have been passed upon the ministers, on account of their conduct with respect to their rejection of the offer of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, have been attributed to factious motives; to enmity against the ministers, and not to friendship for the Prince. To inculcate this opinion, and, at the same time, to prevent the effect of the general desire, which the Prince must perceive to prevail, as to the publication of the correspondence, which passed between him and the ministers, seems to have been the object of a very insidious article, which appeared in a daily paper of the 27th ultimo, and which, it is credibly asserted, was published at the express request of Mr. Sheridan. The writer sets out with condemning the rejection of the Prince's offer, especially as the measure appears to have been the effect of narrow policy. He

then praises the conduct of the Prince, says that his being invested with a military command must have produced the best possible consequences, that "the objections urged "against it are frivolous, unworthy of a " serious answer, and that the only reason "which does, or can exist, is a mean and

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mischievous spirit of jealousy in some loro mind.” But, having thus disapproved of the refusal to give his Royal Highness a command, this candid gentleman disapproves still more of the spirit of faction, which it is at"tempted to raise in consequence of it." He thinks that the Prince, having done all that there was any occasion for him to do, having "acquitted himself to the people, "having already derived from the offer all "the honour of actual service," he should "display magnanimity, as well as ardour, in the cause of his country, and thereby "endear himself to it still more by giving an example of submission."—It is impossible to proceed further without asking,submission to what, and to whom? Because, if it be a submission to any thing but the paternal authority, or the laws of the realm; if it be a submission to the interested views of a minister, then his Royal Highness would set a most dangerous example to the country. Besides, if he has already "derived from the offer all the honour "of actual service," where is the room for this grand display of his magnanimity? But, how shamefully fallacious is it, to pretend, that the making of an offer, which has been rejected, does, of itself, reflect on his Royal Highness all the honour of actual service! When a person has offered to fight, and has been prevented, by the refusal of his adversary, or by some other insurmountable obstacle, such person is, indeed, justly entitled to all the praise due to the action which he was desirous of performing. Very different is the case of the Prince: he is not prevented from fighting by the refusal of the enemy, but by that of the minister: not by the refusal of him, against whom he wished to fight; but by that of him for whom he wished to fight, and who, to use a somewhat vulgar phrase, seems to have considered his room as preferable to his company. So weak, indeed, is this argument, that the writer himself appears to despair of it; and, as is not uncommonly the case, attempts to prop it up by another, by which it is completely destroyed. So partial and so unwise, he says, have been the military appointments, that, it is difficult to decide whether ac ceptance or rejection be a proof of talent; and, he assures the Prince of Wales," that

"the rejection of his services rather raises “than lowers him in the esteem of the public!" This statement, so comforting to the people and so flattering to the ministry, contains, nevertheless, very little to satisfy the Prince: for, if it be a very questionable point, whether it be an honour or a dishonour to serve, in the present state of military arrangements, what becomes of "all the honour of actual service," which the Prince is said to have" already "derived from his offer," and with which honour he is conjured to rest satisfied?— But, be his injuries what they may, he is, it seems, to bury them in oblivion, lest the expression of his discontent should operate as an example to the "thousands "of volunteers, whose services are at this "moment rejected, and who will be "rendered refractory, if they see the Prince

Το

of Wales raising an opposition to go"vernment." Raising an opposition to government! This is precisely the doctrine, which Mr. Sheridan preached at the breaking up of the parliament, but which doctrine he very properly reprobated on the 16th of February, 1801. What opposition is the Prince of Wales raising to the government? Is it raising an opposition to government to be discontented at the ill-treatment he has received? complain of usage such as no Prince in England ever before endured; of being stigmatized in the eyes of the people, and of the whole world, as a person either incapable, or otherwise unworthy, of military command, after having been twenty years in the military service, and after having attended its duties with great regularity; is it being factious to resent treatment like this? The volunteer corps, indeed! So, his Royal Highness is to overlook the contumelious behaviour of ministers towards himself, because their follies have excited discontents in other quarters! But, after all, in what way is the Prince raising an opposition to government? What has he done or said, to oppose measures of ministers? Most people are disposed to think, that he might, with no impropriety, have employed his influence to oppose the ministry; but, that he has done it, there is not the shadow of a proof. His cause has, indeed, been espoused by others; and, he is told, that if he looks round him," he will see many, who give him support, present question, who are far from being friendly to him on other oc"casions. He will see, that his cause is * taken up, as any other cause would be, "simply with a view of attacking the mi"mistry, or weakening and embarrassing

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"them," the object of all which, doubtless, is to turn them out of their places. Allowing, for a moment, that the object be what is here described, it will then remain for this moderate gentleman to shew the harm that is likely to arise from the ousting of a ministry, who proceed upon narrow policy;" who, in rejecting the offer of the heir apparent, have acted under the influence of " a mean "and mischievous spirit of jealousy in some low “mind;" who have so distributed the commands in the army, as to render it "doubt

ful, whether rejection or acceptance be a proof "of talent;" and, who, at a moment when the existence of the State depends upon deeds of arms, have so degraded the military profession, that for an officer to have his offer of service rejected," rather raises " than lowers him in the esteem of the public." What harm there can be in effecting the political dissolution of a ministry like this, it will be very difficult for any one to point out, unless he believes what the ministers themselves tell the world, that, if the nation will not suffer them to remain in power, there can be no ministry at all.-Where this gentleman has discovered those persons, who have taken up the cause of the Prince, simply with a view of attacking the ministry, he does not tell us; and, it does appear a little uncharitable, that a motive so unworthy of a defender of the Prince should have been sought for by a person, who himself describes the conduct of the ministers towards the Prince as comprizing every thing that is unjust, misehievous and base. Speaking with reference to this work, of which it is evident the writer in question did not entirely lose sight, it can be safely asserted, that, in none of its pages, nor in those of ану work ever conducted by the same editor, can there be found one expression, which is, either directly or indirectly, unfriendly" to the Prince of Wales. As to friendship, indeed, it is a sentiment, which it would be presumption in a person in common life to affect to entertain towards one so far esalted above him. The proper sentiment is loyalty. Not that sort of loyalty, which flows so flippantly from the tongue of drunkenness, or that issues, in noisy shouts, from the lungs of the rabble; much less that loyalty which, in praying for the King, has in view the preservation of the funds. No; but that sort of loyalty, which includes attachment, fidelity, and zeal, arising, not from reflection and calculation, but from an ever-operative principle im planted in the heart; a principle quite suf

ficient to call forth, in the cause of his Royal Highness, persons totally uninfluenced by party feelings. It is, too, a very awkward compliment to the Prince, to suppose, that his cause has been espoused from no other than dishonourable, or, at least, very low and selfish, motives; but, it is by no means unnatural, that this notion should be inculcated by those who have basely deserted his Royal Highness, and who, of course, are desirous of destroying the credit due to the fidelity of others.--The Prince is exhorted to remain silent for fear of the dreadful consequences to which "his discontent may lead in the event of an invasion!" This danger of invasion, which the ministers themselves have created, is, to them, a thing of standing and general use; and, if the new doctrine laid down, in their behalf, by Mr. Sheridan, should be admitted, a ministry, in order to be perfectly secure from all opposition, have uo thing to do but to place the country on the brink of destruction. What! Because this miserable selfish set of men have committed ten thousand follies, for either of which they would, at any other period of Our history, have been driven from office; because they have lost the continental dominions of the House of Brunswick, and because they have placed this kingdom itself in a state of imminent danger; for this very reason it is, that they are to insult the Prince of Wales with impunity! So preposterous a doctrine never met with an advocate, except in some unprincipled tool of an unprincipled ministry.--That his Royal Highness will obtain no redress is very evident; nor would it be at all surprising, if the ingenious malice and insolence of the ministers were to find some new mode of torturing his feelings, and of rendering him completely disgusted with public concerns. This is their great object. He stands in their light. They have taken their places for life; and, they want no Prince of Wales to be seen, or to be heard of by the people. Under the usurped title of "the King's friends," they are endeavouring to secure to themselves an absolute and endless sway over both King and People. With them all responsibility is at an end; for, every measure, which is successful or popular, they take to themselves, while every foolish, ungracious, or even wicked act, they attribute to his Majesty. However strange a way this may be of showing that friendship, to which they make an exclusive claim, it assuredly is the way that they have constantly practised, and particularly in the affair which is the subject of these remarks. They have not, indeed,

explicitly stated (for they state nothing explicitly), in Parliament, that it is the King's fault, that the Prince is not employed; but, this is the report most industriously circulated by them, through all the numerous channels, which they have at their command; and, when the Parliament meets, this will be as well understood, and as steadily acted upon, by the Ministers and their partizans, as if it were declared in a message to both Houses. But, is it possible, that this nation, once so jealous of its liberties; that the British Parliament, so long famous for its watchfulness of ministerial encroachment; is it possible, that they will suffer themselves to be the sport of this juggling system of conducting the affairs of the government? Will they tamely hear every good and gracious act ascribed to the Ministers, and every bad and ungracious act, to the King? Lord Oxford, when accused of certain crimes, pleaded the positive order of the Queen; but, so far was this plea from being admitted, that it was numbered amongst the additional charges against him, as "a slander on the memory of his Royal "Mistress," towards whom the Commons, in consequence of this his plea, added, that he was guilty of the foulest ingratitude. And, indeed, this is the only principle, upon which one can, in such questions, possibly proceed; for, as the King can do no wrong, if the Minister be allowed to shelter himself under a pretended command of the King, the Minister can do no wrong; and, if this were admitted, we should live under a government, which would not be worth defending even against the hordes of Buonaparté. The question then would be, not between the British monarchy and the despotism of France; not between the ancient, the royal, and paternal House of Brunswick, and the Corsican Usurper; but between the Addingtons and the Buonapartés; between the upstarts of Reading and those of Ajaccio; and, when the characters of the two were taken into consideration, there really would be more shame in submitting to the former than to the latter.Every exertion will be made to undermine the influence of the Prince, to lessen the number of his adherents, and to injure him in the opinions of the people; but, it is to be hoped, that his Royal Highness will never forget what is due to himself, and that he will yield to no compromise that shall not include an acceptance of his offer of service.

OPFENSIVE WAR.--That the war, in which we are now engaged, should not be exclusively defensive, appears to be allowed by every one, who writes, or who speaks,