will be the time for Switzerland to resume the bow and arrows of Tell, and steep their points in the blood of their tyrants. The more distant nations will catch the same spirit. That enthusiasm, which impelled Frenchmen upon the swords of their enemies, and rendered them intrepid and fearless, is gone. They have not even the mistaken but fascinating name of liberty to fight for. That enthusiasm, and that name will animate their enemies. They will begin to inquire for what purpose, and for whom they are again to be dragged from their homes, and driven in the face of their enemies. They will not raise against them the arms and vengeance of all Europe for the sake of a tyrant's ambition, who, should he succeed in baffling the designs of his enemies, will become only the more formi dable and dangerous to his own people. After having endeavoured to point out the necessity of maintaining the balance of power abroad, it follows next that we take a view of our own situation, and the circumstances which have forced us into the present war. The Treaty of Amiens, notwithstanding the encomiums bestowed upon it by the advocates of his Majesty's ministers, was certainly an unfortunate one for this country; unfortunate, because it left us stripped of many valuable possessions, for which we received no equivalent. It appears to have been made, if we may judge by the event, rather to gain a short breathing time, than as the foundation of a lasting and secure peace. The terms were not sufficiently explicit; the interest of this country and Europe not sufficiently attended to. If Buonaparte's conduct, since the signing of that treaty, has been villainous, that of our ministers has not been dignified and firm. They seemed always to think they were in the wrong. Their blundering politics needed perpetual corrections. Their views were always too limited; their language too tame; their policy too shallow and confined. And what has been the consequence? After repeated aggressions on the part of France, of patient submission and concession on our part; after orders were sent to give up the Cape; counter-orders to retain it; orders again to surrender it; and counter-orders. I suppose, would again have been sent to retain it, could they have reached it soon enough; it was not, until the most flagrant proofs of the ambitious views and hostile designs of the First Consul appeared, that his Majesty's ministers began to speak to him in the language which ministers of this country ought ever to use when it is insulted. Buonaparté certainly concluded from our patient endurance that we were afraid to involve ourselves in a quarrel with him. quarrel with him. Robbery after robbery, and insult after insult, suffered to pass upnoticed or gently remonstrated against, would confirm the supposition. Our conduct smelled strongly of quietism. When struck on the one cheek we turned the other also. But the moment of aggression was the time to remonstrate. To oppose the designs of Buonaparté by secret negotiation and under-hand management, was merely to protract the distresses of this country and disgrace us in the eyes of Europe, without answering any purpose of policy, or prudence. From beginning, to end it has been a series of complaints and negotiations, vainly endeavouring to patch up a faithless treaty by offers on the one hand as base as they were disgraceful, and by an extraordinary mixture of weakness and resolution, of concession and tenacity in the other. Courier after courier departed and returned. Messenger after messenger was hurried away or came post with some new project. For many a day was the sea vexed with their fruitless voyages. The people, in the meantime, left to gaze in idle wonder, and busy themselves in endless conjectures. The clouds at last began to gather and the storm to burst. But the causes for a rupture with France had existed ever since the signing of the Treaty of Amiens; nay, the First Consul was violating every article of it at the moment he signed the treaty. This requires a serious investigation. It deeply affects not only the honour of this country, but the conduct of his Majesty's ministers also. Let us examine it with candour and impartiality. impartiality. I have already mentioned, that, at the conclusion of the last war we bad acquired many advantages, while France had not made the least impression upon us. By the Treaty of Amiens we surrendered several West-India Islands to France and the Dutch, and made some sacrifices to Spain. In the East, the Cape was to be delivered up to Holland, and Pondicherry to the French. What then did France or her allies surrender to us as equivalents for the many valuable possessions we restored to them by the Treaty of Amiens? Nothing but the declaration of the independence of these our formerly well tried and most faithful allies! This indeed, had some appearance of attending to the balance of power upon the Continent. But how far was our influence to extend? To Holland, and Naples cnly. We were to rescue them from the pangs of French tyranny by so many and so great sacrifices, the magnanimity which the-country displays. in the present crisis, as not inferior to that of the Romans, when, after the battle of Canne, they unanimously want out to thank the Consul Varro, "because, he had not despaired of the republic," when he had, by his misconduct, nearly brought it to the brink of ruin. Since then the Treaty of Amiens has been all along infringed, I ask, are we beter pre-j pared now than before it, was signed to meet our enemy? An answer in the affic-. mative cannot be given... Trusting to the good faith of Buonaparte, (of which, from, the whole tenor of his life, who could doubt?), we dismantled our ships, scattered our sail ors, and disbanded our soldiers. Much time has been spent and great exertions made in. equipping our fleets, which were, at the signing of the treaty, called in from the four quarters of heaven, while carrying terror and destruction against our enemies, to be laid up how vain the expectation,) for a length of years, and their thunder to sleep harmless in their bosoms. In this country, we seem to be wrapped in profound peace. Our preparations slow and tardy; nothing warlike is heard but the noisy rejoicings of a birth day, or the solitary drum to remind the garrison of the alternate hours of duty and repose Are we then better prepared. when it was notorious to all, that France was retaining, and would retain them in perpetual subjection, so that they never could cultivate our friendship, though it should be ever so much their inclination. This, I af firm, was the basis of the Treaty of Amiens. If ministers deny this; they must then confess that they made a peace upon the most humiliating terms, because the country could support the war no longer. This is the only other method by which they can pretend to justify themselves. But, on either supposition they have brought themselves into a dilemma. On either supposition, and I can think of no other, they have done essential injury to this country. Has Holland ever acquired her independence? Is the recent subjugation of Switzerland a proof of the First Consul's sincerity, or of our ministers attention to the interests of the Continent? Was the creation of states in Italy and ether usurpations in that quarter consistent with the Treaty of Amiens? Is the language of Buonaparte that we have nothing to do with continental affairs agreeable to the spirit of that treaty? It goes directly in the face of it. Indeed, it appears from the whole of his conduct that Buonaparté never meant to fulfil the conditions of that treaty. He knew whom he had to deal with. He called loudly upon us to fulfil our part of the treaty, while he used the utmost expedition to occupy the surrendered colonies, and put himself in a capacity for renewing the war with better hopes of success. Have we then gained any thing by the peace? Nothing but unanimity; nothing, but compleaf conviction, that, notwithstanding all our negotiations*, the First Consul has overreached our sapient ministers, and forced us, in an evil hour, into a new war. We hear much of the unanimity which the pacific measuresgression on the part of France? Our ances of our ministers have produced in this country. But how have they produced it? By bringing us into dangers which must be unanimously opposed by every one who is not an enemy to his country. This is that boasted unanimity, which proceeds from necessity not choice. This is that unanimity which is our only consolation in disgrace, our only defence against ruin. I consider 1 do not mean to say that our ministers were rong in negotiating with Buonapaité. But their language ought to have been at once peremptory and decisive. If Buonaparte meant to fulal the conditions of the treaty, he would have been obliged to have acted fairly and consistently. If he never meant to fulfil them, he would have been forced to declare himself and left no room to doubt of his perfidy. and what have we gained by the Treaty of Amiens? What, but an armed truce and a more violent and dangerous war? After negotiations have completely failed, we are now told of the insults which Buonaparté has offered to this country. Is this country indeed, fallen so low as to have suf fered insults so long without assuming the aspect of revenge? When was it ever known before, that she submitted to any acts of ag tors were jealous of the least indignity from that quarter. Injury, real or supposed, roused all their manly feelings, and anticipated, with terrible effect, the blow she meditated. But now, we are told that it was prudent to submit to be brow beaten, and threatened, and insulted. Why? Recause we injured France, and detained her ships in our harbours? Because we required the First Consul to put a check upon the liberty of the French press!! Because we broke every article of a treaty sanctioned in the face of Europe for the interests of Eu. rope? No; we did not show such spirit as the First Consul, and yet he insulted us. It was not over our weakness; for we had made him tremble. It was not over our honous; for the honour of the nation was un stained *. It was over the pusillanimous conduct of ministry, who seemed to tremble at his frown. It was necessary to submit to indignity, hear it Britons, because the First Consul, flushed with victory, and new in tyranny, chose to lord it over this once gallant and formidable country. What? Must we submit to be brow-beaten and insulted by an infidel, by a barbarian, by an usurper, by a tyrant, a name ever detested by Britons? We are surely fallen low indeed, when we are brought to this. With arms in our hands, with an unconquerable spirit, with every thing dear and valuable before our eyes, yet it was thought prudent to submit. I was mean; it was disgraceful. The detention of Malta is certainly an object of great importance in the present emergency. But I cannot agree with those politicians, who declare, that it is for Malta We alone that we are engaged in the war. are undoubtedly justified in retaining it in our possession, considering both the extinction of the Order to which it was to be given up under the guarantee of some independent power, and the unequivocal views of France upon it. We have already made too many sacrifices, while France has not made one. As she refused to fulfil her part of the treaty, we were justified in retaining it and much more, if it had been possible, in our power. While we retain it, we preserve the Ottoman Empire. It is of great importance to our commerce, and perhaps, to the safety of our East-India possessions But it is extremely impolitic to hold out Malta alone as the object of dispute. It is a ready way to increase the jealousy of the maritime powers upon the Continent; already, it is said, alarmed at the strength of our navy, and the extension of our commerce which has swallowed up that of almost every other nation. What then? Will you gain a single ally if you tell the European states that you fight for Malta? Will you convince them that their interest is connected with your detention of Malta? Will they make a divi * Εν δε τι κοινον, says Demosthenes, ή φυσις των ἐν φρονεν των ἐν ἑαυτη κεκτηται φυλακτήριον ὁ πασι μεν ἐσιν ἀγαθον και σωτηριον, μάλιςα δε τοις πλήθεσι προς τας τυραννες. τι ἂν ἐσι τετο; άπιτια. ταύτην φυλατίετε ταυτης αντεχεσθε. ἐαν ταυτην σωζητε, ουδεν δεινον μηπαθητε. Phil. Sept. A wise politician possesses in himself a defence that reaches to all. But it is useful and salutary, particularly to free states against the ambition of Kings. And what is this defence? Distrust. Maintain it; keep it always in view; if you preserve it, you shall have nothing to tear. sion upon the Continent in favour of this Empire, because we choose to risk its independence for the possession of Malta? Are the groans of Europe, still bleeding under her recent wounds, and still trembling under. the frown of a despot, to be overlooked? Are the generous, but ill-fated sons of ancient heroes and freemen to be left unpitied, and unassisted under the galling yoke of slavery, while the far distant and barren rock of Malta interests so deeply our avaricious feelings? Are the injuries and insults we have received at home not to be taken into the account? You must convince Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and Russia, that their interest is connected with your own. must make it a common cause against the robbers and plunderers of the human race. You must proclaim a crusade, and paint on its banners, "The conservation of Liberty, You Religion, and Laws." I see a great and magnanimous spirit in this country that rises against the least infringement of its rights, and is delicately sensible of the smallest injury done to its honour. I see a proud superiority over every other nation. under Heaven, with regard to its religion, laws, and government. I see that just indignation which the unprincipled and mad ambition of a despot raises in every breast, prompting to wise and patriotic measures; to a cheerful submission to great sacrifices, and rousing all the firm and determined resolution of Britons. We want neither fleets nor armies to maintain the contest. We want not spirit nor unanimity to vindicate our rights. We have not forgot the ancient bravery of our fathers. The British thunder is carried, with irresistible effect, as far as the seas extend, and the winds can blow, Our swords are scarce wiped from the blood of our enemies. We have still before our eyes the victories of Howe, and St, Vincent, and Duncan, and Nelson. We stretch our view to the glorious plains of Egypt, and to the waters of the Nile, still red with the blood of the French. And we anticipate equal if not more splendid victories. we want a pilot to direct the reeling state in this impending storm. We want the firm integrity; the deep penetration; the extensive views; the commanding eloquence; the unbending soul of one able to steer this country through storms which have wrecked the noblest states of Eu1ope. I'lace such a man at the head of affairs and we shall be secure. We will afely repose upon his vigilance and discretion.-We will not be slaves. The enemy may invade us. But "Let them come, They come like sacrifices in their trim, And to the fire eyed maid of smoky war, All hot and bleeding will we offer them: The mailed Mars shall on his altar sit Up to the ears in blood." Let them come; and if ever they reach land, which, with the First Consul himself, I think scarce possible, we shall soon hear of this melancholy epistle being sent to Buonaparté the Consul: "The groans of the French: The English on the one hand chase us into the sea; the sea on the other chases us back upon the English, and we have only the hard choice left us of perishing by the sword or by the waves." Edinburgh, 21st June, 1803. PUBLIC PAPERS. Note presented by Gandolphe, Chargé d'Affaires of the French Republic, to the Lavdamman of the Helvetian Republic. Dated, Berne, June 3, 1803. The Undersigned Chargé d'Affaires of the French Republic, has received orders from his Government to make known to that of Helvetia, the new provocations of England, its hostilities, and the motives of defence, and honour, which have directed the conduct of the French Government. The Treaty of Amiens was scarcely signed, when the English Government already meditated a breach of it. The conduct which it has adopted since that epoch, clearly announces that intention. It suffered the French Government to be daily insulted by its periodical Writers and by Pamphlets, the Authors of which, for the greater part Foreigners, were consequently in the power of Government. It continued to give an asylum and protection to dangerous Men pointed out by the French Government. Some were hostilely assembled at Jersey, whilst others were vomited on our Coasts by the English themselves, without the Ministry doing any thing else than evading the complaints which were made to it upon that occasion. As much as good faith and a desire of executing quickly the freaty of Amiens was displayed on the part of France, so much the more was craft and delay exhibited on the part of England. Ten months passed away without its being perceived that the English Government had the least disposition to evacuate the Island of Malta, which, according to the terms of the Treaty, was to have been at the end of three months. This Clause was too important for the French Government to neglect requiring its execution; it was then that instead of that, came the Message by which the KING announced to Parliament, that formidable Armaments were preparing in the Ports of France and Holland, and that there existed between the two Governments important Discussions, of which the result was uncertain. All Europe knew the object of these Armaments, and as to the pretended Discussions, they were evidently imaginary, since the French Government had no knowledge of them. It was necessary to demand an explanation with respect to these false assertions, and it did it with that calmness and dignity which was congenial with reason. The English Ministry, on the contrary, was as arrogant in its stile as unjust in its pretensions. Such is the constant diflertace which it is easy to remark in the respective Notes transmitted in the course of that discussion, in which one does not know at which to be more astonished, at the indecent demands of the English Government, or at the patient moderation of the First Consul. The issue of such a Negotiation it was easy to foresee.-The English Government published, on the 16th of May, a Declaration of War. HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY for. bid his Subjets from entering the Dutch and French Ports, or those which were occupied by French Troops. He ordered an Embargo upon the Vessels belonging to those two powers, that were in his Ports, and upon the Persons and Merchandize that were on board those Vessels. They authorized the fitting out of Privateers against all Ships belonging to Frenchmen, or Inhabitants of France; and even before any Declaration of War, two English Frigates took possession of two French Merchantmen at a little distance from Brest. The Government, disappointed in its expectation of maintaining the general Peace, was bound to adopt such measures as the dignity and the interests of the Republic required. It published all the official papers respecting the Negotiation with England, from the first overtures which led to the signature of the Preliminaries to the period at which England efused to comply with her engagements; and being forced to refer the decision of such great interests to the decision of Arms, the French Government wishes, by a frank explanation of its conduct, to answer the pretexts upon which England justifies its aggression The Helvetic Government will without doubt see in the Communication which is thus made to it, a new proof of the desire of the French Government to preserve those relations of Amity which have so long united France and Switzerland. The Undersigned eagerly seizes this opportunity of assuring the Landamman of Switzerland of his respectful consideration. GANDOLPHE. Proclamation of Maria Louisa Infanta of Spain, Regent of the Kingdom of Etruria. Dated Florence, May 27, 1803. His Majesty the King, our exalted Consort, having, after a short and incurable illness, to our deep regret, and the extreme grief of his loving subjects, passed to eternal rest, the Sovereignty of the States of the deceased Monarch, with alt rights appertaining to the same, devolves, by the legal order of succession, and the testamentary regulation of the late King, to his son, the Infant of Spain, Charles Louis, now King of Etruria, and the administration of those States, till the royal successor shall attain the age of eigtheen, is by the same regulation vested in us. therefore, having taken upon us this important office, it is our wish and resolution to discharge our trust suitable to the confidence reposed in us by our late Royal Consort; and we hereby confirm the present Constitution and Laws of the country, and continue in their Offices all Magistrates, &c. All regulations of Government and Finance will be decreed, and issued by us, with the concurrence of our Privy Council.-Given at Florence the 27th of May, 1803. (Signed, Maria Louisa, V. G. Mozzi, G. B. Nuti. We, Communication made to the City of Bremen by Gen. Martier, Commander of the French Army-French Republic, HeadQuarters at Nicubourgh, June 4, year LL. To THE SENATE OF BREMEN. - The English Government, Gentlemen, having seized French Vessels without any declaration of War, the French Government orders that reprisals be made with respect to ships belonging to the subjects of Great Britain. I request you, therefore, on the receipt of this letter, to confiscate, for the French Republic, all English vessels and Magazines, and to arrest all Officers and Sailors in the service of Great-Britain, who happen to be in your city. - rely, Gentlemen, on your readiness to conform to the intentions of my Government.-I have the honour to salute you.-Edward Mortier. FOREIGN. Naples, June 12.-The Commandant of the British Naval Force in the Mediterranean, has declared, that if the French occupy the Kingdom of Naples and the Roman States, he will treat those countries with hostility. Cuxhaven, June 16.-This place is now in possession of the French troops. A few days before their arrival, the English carried on a very heavy press among the sailors. Frankfort, June 16.-The Deputies from the Hanoverian Regency, passed through here this day. They had an audience of his Prussian Majesty last evening at Wilhelmsbade. Dunkirk, June 20.-Gen. Dieres, Minister of Marine, arrived here this day, on his route along the coast. An hundred and fifty of the Consular Guards have been here two days, Paris, June 28.-Cherbourg, St. Locentances, and Bayonne have resolved to construct a number of flat-bottomed boats at their own expense. The department of the Seine and Oise has voted So0,000 francs, that of the Channel 750,000, and that of the Isere 50,000, for the construction and armament of ships of war.-1 he following modifications have taken place in the decree for the imprisonment of the English:-1. The Artists and Artizans, employed in French manufactories, shall not be obliged to quit ihe Commune where those establishments are situated, if the principals claim them, and engage to answer for them. 2. Such Englishmen as have established manufactories or commercial houses in rural Communes, or small towns, in which there is no Military Commandant or Officer of Gensdarmerie, may, after submitting themselves to the Officers of the nearest City, return to their manufactories or commercial houses. 3. Those Englishmen who, since the peace, and before the declaration of war, manifested an intention of establishing themselves in France, and of becoming French Citizens, and who have complied with the formalities requisite for that purpose, are not comprised in the dispositions of the Decree. Buonaparté, after having left Paris, proceeded on his route through Compeigne, Montidier, Amiens, Boulogne, Calais, Dunkirk, Nieuport, and Ostend. He was every where received with the most joyful acclamations. Addresses and congratulations were presented both to him and Mad. Buonaparté by Bishops, Priests, Prefects, Commissaries, and every other description of public persons. His time was emploved in examining the various works in the different places through which he passed. DOMESTIC. FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE.-Whitehall, June 28.-The King has been pleased to constitute and appoint Sir Rupert George, Knight, Ambrose Serle, and Thomas Hamilton, Esquires, the Hon. Edward Bouverie, and James Bowen, Esq. to be his Majesty's Commissioners for conducting the Transport Service, and for the care and custody of Prisoners of WarCrown-Office, July 2.Member returned to serve in the present Parlia ment.-Borough of Southwark.-The Right Hon. George Tierney. London, July 2.-Mr. Tierney's election was celebrated this day, by himself and his friends in the Borough, by a numerous procession and a great feast 4th. Upwards of 100 men, who had been impressed by the different parties of patrole, were examined this morning at Bow Street, when about 70 of them appearing to be idle and disorderly, and being deemed fit for his Majesty's service were sent on board a tender.-6th. Upwards of 40 more were examined this morning, and the greatest part detained for the service. It is stated that 23,000 volunteers are actually embodied in Scotland, exclusive of cavalry, of which there is a regiment at Edinburgh, and many disciplined troops in various parts of the country. Several offers of service have been made by different military bodies in Scotland.-In consequence of a summons from the Lord Lieutenant, à meeting of the Deputy Lieutenants and Magistrates of Kent was held, and a plan adopted for the defence of that county in case of an invasion. MILITARY. GEN. MORTIER, with his army, still continues on the left bank of the Rhine, and it is said, will not, for the present, pass the frontiers of the electorate of Hanover. GEN. DESSOLLES is carrying on the most vigorous organization of the army of reserve, of which he is to have the command. It is to be assembled at Deventer, whither French and Batavian troops are daily marching from all directions. The second battalion of the regiment of SaxeGotha passed through Utrecht on the 23d ult. on its way from Schoonhorn: the second squadron of Batavian dragoons which was on its march for Harlem, received orders on the 22d to return: the first battalion of the 6th Batavian demi-brigade is on its way from Leyden; and the first battalion of the 5th demi-brigade, which was on its march for Hardwicke, received counter-orders on the 22d, and was on its return for Deventer. The body of 4000 Batavian troops, which is to form a part of this army, will, it is supposed, provisionally occupy a camp in Overyssel. It is said, that the army will not remain in the Batavian territories, but will establish their headquarters at Osnaburg, which is at present garrisoned by 1600 French infantry and 400 hussars, under the command of GEN. DROUET. GEN. ST. CYR, counsellor of state, who commands the French and Italian army of |