ministers, not even himself or his colleagues in office; neither can be charge me with calling the present ministers by opprobrious names— -such as filthy dowlas, and afterwards wrapping myself in a skirt of that dowlas. On whatever side of the argument I may have spoken in this House, I defy, and challenge the right bon. gent., and those with whom he acts, to point out in my political life a single act of inconsistency. I never deserted a private friend, a political connexion, or sentiment; nor did lever regret a vote I gave in this House but me, and that was for the indemnity of the right hon. gent. and his colleagues in office. It is certain that I have, on many occasins, given my support to his Majesty's preant ministers; but it was because I thought they acted like honest men, to the bestof their opinions and abilities, for the goo of their country. So long as they contine to act so, they shall have my feeble suport to the best of my power; but it shall be erfectly independent, and perfectly disintrested; and equally regardless of censure or raise from the right hon. gent. or his cceagues in or out of office. I shall contine to act as I always have done, with the bit of my zeal for my king and country; tht country which I belive, from the bottom omy soul, contains within it the best, the wthiest, and the happiest community on thface of this globe!

Mr. Hawthorn supported the motion, becae he thought the measure would be proditive of most salutary effects in the hids of that illustrious nobleman now at tlhead of the government in Ireland, whose ciduct he had long witnessed with admirath, and which, he was convinced, was cculated to conciliate the affections, and Etter the condition of the people of Ireland; d which he believed it had done in a very nsiderable degree, particularly in that part the country where he lived; and he was f opinion, that, notwithstanding the partial istance of insurrection and horrid outrage hich had recently occurred, the spirit of isurrection was by no means general in Ireind, and so far as it did exist, was confined the lowest orders of the people.

Mr. Kerr observed, that the situation of he people of Ireland had been materially altered for the better since the union, though there were still lurking the seeds of rebellion. He believed if the enemy were to land in Ireland, they would find as determined an opposition as from any class of subjects in his Majesty's dominions. He had lived in Ireland during the late rebellion, and was in a private corps, and he could assure the House that martial law was never exercised

himself, and some other gentlemen, courtsmartial were resorted to, and they had the effect of eradicating the rebellion as to all outward appearance.

Mr. I. H. Browne said, he should not have troubled the House unless an idea had been thrown out that they were acting in confidence to his Majesty's ministers. He thought that to call persons in Ireland before courts martial, on the assertion of his Majesty's ministers, was justifiable. He was fully convinced of the necessity of the measure, and that there ought not to be a moment's delay; but this conviction was not in consequence of any thing his Majesty's ministers had said. It was in consequence of the atrocious act that had been committed, and not from that act alone, horrid as it was. He accompanied the act with the sad history of the last ten years; with the recent war in which we had recently been engaged; with the efforts of the usurper of France, against our liberties; with the measures that had engaged every hand and heart in their defence. If he did not believe a syllable of what his Majesty's ministers said, the fact spoke for itself. He thought it was of importance to whom the power was given. The

present government of Ireland, by not wishing to avail themselves of the alarm by continuing the acts, shewed that they would not make a bad use of them if they were renewed. He supported the measure with more pleasure, when he considered the cha-racter of the present government.

Dr. Laurence, at considerable length, supported the arguments of Mr. Windham.

Mr. Hutchinson explained what he had before said; and spoke at considerable length on a variety of topics. He wished that vigorous measures should be exerted for putting down rebellion in the first instance, but that measures of lenience and humanity should not be abandoned. He deprecated most ardently the revival of those horrid scenes of whipping, shooting, and strangling, and house burning, that during the late rebellion had been carried to enormous lengths, to the production of so much misery amongst the unfortunate people of that country, by entrusting the execution of strong measures to the hands of exasperated, prejudiced, and sanguinary men; and which tended rather to produce and to exaggerate than to suppress rebellion. He had witnessed many of those horrid scenes, and he congratulated that House that their eyes had been spared the painful view of such horrors. He earnestly besought the House not to turn away its eyes from the complaints, whether

real or imaginary, that agitated the minds of the unhappy multitude in that country; but that, instead of separating, late as it was in the season, they would investigate, and probe to the quick, those questions and measures which could have, by possibility, a tendency to suppress every disposition to discontent and tumult, by quiet rather than by coercive means; and he concluded by conjur ing the House to turn its eyes to that country, as one which was capable of being rendered a source of impregnable strength and riches to the British empire; but which, if not fully conciliated, by wise and lenient means, might be perverted to the contrary.

Lord Castlereagb observed, that the proof this measure was not to be loosely committed to the hands of those likely to misconceive or abuse its intentions was, that it was vested entirely in the discretion of the Lord Lieutenant. With respect to the acts of severity alluded to by the hon. member, they were unfortunately mutual, and the natural consequence of the mutual enmity and exasperation between two parties in the same country, armed and at war against each other. He spoke at considerable length in support of the bill.

Dr. Laurence said, that on a former occasion he had opposed a bill for continuing martial law in Ireland. But the present measure was one for which he could conscientiously vote. That atrocious outrage by which the life of the first legal magistrate in the country had been taken away, was a circumstance which peculiarly pointed to a measure of this kind.

Colonel Craufurd approved of the measure; because it was essentially necessary to strengthen the hands of the government. He then began to enter into some observations concerning fortifications, when the question was loudly called for, and several members called him'to order.

The Speaker said, he could not conceive how the hon. gentleman's arguments applied to the bill before the House.

Mr. Windham and Dr. Laurence contended that Col. Craufurd was in order.

Mr. Bragge maintained that he was not; particularly so, after he had expressed his approbation of the bill.

Colonel Crayfurd then said, that as he was prevented from delivering his sentiments on so important a subject, he would give notice, that on Monday he should bring forward a motion relative to the defence of the realin.

Leave was given to bring in the bill; which was brought up by the Chancellor of VOL. IV.

the Exchequer, read a first and second time, and committed.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the Committee, introduced a clause, by which no court martial should consist of less than seven officers.

Mr. Hutchinson complained, that many persons hitherto tried before courts martial in Ireland, had been treated with great injustice, and prevented from having the witnesses necessary for their defence.

Lord Castlereagh denied the statement. He never knew an instance, in which a trial was not put off, upon a representation being made, that the necessary witnesses were not present. And he knew that Lord Cornwallis, when Lord Lieutenant, had always read over the minutes of every court martial, in order to see that no unjust proceeding had taken place. It would, therefore, be better

to leave this matter to the direction of those who were responsible.

Mr. Ormesby said, he had acted as Judge Advocate on a great number of courts martial, and he could assure the House, that the prisoners had always had notice given them of their trials, and might put them off, if they chose, to any particular day. This was the practice after the rebellion; but he knew not what might have been done in the camp flagrante bello.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was very necessary that no unfavourable impression on this subject should go out into the world, and he called on the hon. gent. to state any particular instances which he knew of improper and violent proceedings being adopted by courts martial towards the persons whom they tried.

Mr. Hutchinson entered into a justification of his conduct and his principles; but did not specify any facts in support of his

assertion.

The report of the bill was then received, and it was read a third time and passed.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then of tained leave to bring in a bill to enable the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to secure and detain such persons as he should suspect to be conspiring against his Majesty's person and government. The bill was brought up, carried through all its stages, and passed. A clause was introduced into this, as well as into the former bill, for limiting the duration of both to six weeks after the commencement of the next session of Parliament. The bills were sent to the Lords, and about half past ten o'clock, a message came down, informing the House, that the Lords had agreed to the same, without any amendment, * X

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, July 29.

[MINUTES,]-The royal assent was given by commission to the Irish Martial Law Bill, and the Irish Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill. -Counsel was afterwards heard on the Scotch appeal, Hogg, v. Lashley.-Several 'bills were brought up from the Commons, and read the first time.-The bills on the table were proceeded in. Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, July 29.

[MINUTES.]-The Prince of Orange's Annuity Bill was read the second time, and committed for the next day; and the Scotch : Cotton Manufacture Bill was read a third time, passed, and ordered to the Lords, together with a copy of the evidence upon which the House was induced to pass the bill. Read a second time the Irish Tea Importation Bill, and committed for Monday.

[STAMP DUTIES.]-The House resolved into a Committee, to consider of the duties on vellum and parchment.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the measure he had to propose, was founded on the same principle as that which the House had already sanctioned in the consolidation of the duties of excise, customs, and assessed taxes. The object of the proposition, he had now to submit to the House, would be a consolidation of the duties only, without any alteration as to their amount. A new schedule would be constructed, by which the trouble of the officers would be diminished at least two-thirds, and the collection of the . duties, of course, greatly facilitated. The only new regulation which it was necessary for him to notice, was one relative to the employment of improper stamps. Great inconvenience had arisen to many persons, from using such stamps inadvertently. Where the stamp was inferior in value to that which ought to have been used, it was his intention that the instrument should, in all cases, remain illegal; but where the stamp was of equal value, though not applicable to the deed, it was evident there could have been no intention to defraud, and some relief seemed due to the parties who had fallen into such a mistake inadvertently. He should not propose to make such a stamp legal, except upon paying a double duty. A contract having an improper stamp, though not inferior in value to the right one, was not to be considered valid, but might be rendered So. When this measure was completed,

the House would have the consolation to reflect, that in the course of one session four great branches of the public revenue had been greatly improved by the adoption of a system of consolidation. It was true that the present measure involved only a detached part of the stamp duties, but it would lay a foundation for the consolidation of the whole in the next session of Parliament. He then proposed a resolution for consolidating the said duties.

. Mr. Francis remarked, that the hon. gent. had mentioned only his intention of giving relief to persons who had used improper stamps of equal value to the legal one. He must know that great inconveniencies had also arisen from the employment of stamps of superior value to that which ought to have been used.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was also intended to provide for that case in the Committee on the bill.-The resolution was agreed to, the report received, and leave given to bring in a bill for consolidating the duties on stamps on vellum and parchment.

[CIVIL LIST.]-On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the House resolved into a Committee of supply; and several petitions, estimates, and other papers on the table, were referred to the Committee.-The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, that the four sums he should first move, were sums to reimburse the civil list for like sums, ordered to be advanced therefrom by his Majesty, pursuant to votes of this House; and he therefore moved,

--

[CLERGY OF IRELAND.] Mr. Corry moved the order of the day for the House to resolve into Committee, to consider the expediency of enabling the lord lieutenant. of Ireland to advance out of the public treasury to the board of first fruits, to be by them advanced in loans to clergymen having small benefices, and no glebe houses, to erect glebe houses for their residence.The House resolved accordingly.

Mr. Corry then entered into a chronological detail of the institution of the board of first fruits in Ireland, from the time of its institution, in the reign of Q. Anne, to the present time; in the course of which he stated, that its principal revenues were derived from charges upon the annual income of church livings beyond a certain amount; to be approbriated for the building and repair of churches, a purpose to which their revenues were not adequate to the extent which was most desirable; but toward this purpose they were in the habit of receiving annually from the Irish Parliament a considerable donation. He then went into a summary statement of their accounts, by the last of which it appeared, they had a balance in hand of 37,000l. The purpose for which this bill was introduced, was nearly to the full as desirable as that of the building and repair of churches, and one which must contribute in an effectual way to procure that which was justly held to be so very desirable, namely, the residence of the clergy. He moved that the chairman be instructed to move for a sum not exceding 50,000l. for that purpose.

Mr. Francis wished to know if the sums to be advanced in this way would not be so advanced under some competent surety, that they would be expended bona fide for the purposes to which they were so granted? He observed, that by the account stated by the hon. gent., there was already a very large balance in the hands of the board of first fruits, remaining from year to year unappropriated, and which, had it been placed in the public funds, would have considerably accumulated for the benefit of the objects of the institution. It was his wish that every reasonable means should be afforded for maintaining the respectability of the Church of Ireland, and the comforts of its clergy; because he was sure such provision must materially contribute to the maintenance of morality in that country. But there was another point connected with this topic, which he desired to touch on only with the greatest delicacy. He himself did not pretend to know the local circumstances of Ireland, or the causes of that

rebellious spirit which was now again breaking out in that kingdom. He understood, from the candid opinions of those who knew the local circumstances of that country infinstely better than he did, and who, he was convinced, had the unity, the prosperity, and the happiness of the British empire at heart, that the greatest grievance complained of by the great majority of the population of Ireland, who were Roman Catholics, was the exaction of tithes for the maintenance of the clergy of the Church of England, at the same time that they were tithed in another way for the maintenance of their own clergy; and thus were they doubly saddled with an heavy impost. He did not pretend to point out what would be the most proper mode of remedying this evil, and of quieting the minds of the great mass of Irish population; but he most sincerely wished sonie mode could be devised for doing away this obnoxious impost upon the catholics of that country, and thus obviating that which had so long and so uniformly proved a source of discontent and irritation. this could be done, and he by no means wished it to be done in any way injurious to the established clergy, he was convinced it would do more towards quieting the minds of the lower orders in that country, than any other means which legislation or coercion could effect; and he trusted that, even late as it was in the session, his Majesty's ministers would institute some parliamentary investigation on the subject, with a view to the adoption of some efficient

measure.

If

Sir T. Metcalfe rose to ask some questions about the arrears in the hands of the Board of First Fruits, and why they were not appropriated?

Mr. Corry answered, he was not prepared to state minutely the reasons why they suf fered their money to be loose in the hands of a banker. All he could now say was, that they were obliged annually to state their accounts to the commissioners; and as they were in the habit also of annually receiving a considerable donation from the Irish Parliament, he must presume their accounts were satisfactory.

Mr. Hutchinson said, no man more sincerely wished than he did to maintain the respectability of the Protestant Church of Ireland, and the comforts of its pastors; but he most cordially concurred with the hon. member near him (Mr. Francis) in the urgent and important necessity of going into some investigation upon the subject of Ireland, previously to the approaching prorogation, and endeavour to come at the true

cause of the unhappy disturbances, and of suggesting, if possible, some lenient remedy. He had already three or four times in the cure of this session endeavoured to call the atention of the House, and of his Majesty's ministers in particular, to the subject of Ireland. He had endeavoured to impress upon them the importance, at all times, but more especially at the present, of attaching to this country and its government the confidence and affections of that people. He had endeavoured to impress upon them, that there they would find a tower of strength, with the aid of which they might defy the enmity of the world. He would now put it again to his Majesty's ministers; and if he could not obtain from them a promise that they would before the prorogation, bring forward for inquiry the subject of Irish affairs, with a view to some remedy, he pledged himself that he would at an early day bring forward the subject, feeble as his efforts might be. --[Mr. Hutchinson was proceeding, but was called to order three successive times by Mr. Alexander, who said it was not from any opposition to the hon. gents'. proposal he did so, but to remind him, that his notice would come more regularly as a distinct proceeding, as it was not orderly in the Committee.]-Mr. Corry's motion was agreed to, and the chairman ordered to report the next day.

[MILITIA --Mr. Sidan rose to explain something that had fallen from him on a former evening, which had been misconceived, and he was sure unintentionally mistated. It was in relation to the imper fect state of the militia regiments in Kent and Surry, which circumstance he was stated to have charged upon the negligence of the magistrates of these counties. But he did not impute the circumstance to their negligence, or to the noble lords at the head of the lieutenancy in those counties; and he had indeed the authority of one noble lord (Lord Grantley) to declare, that the deficiency arose from a defect of law to enable the lieutenants to enforce the returns from the deputy officers. He trusted, however, the next returns from those counties would prove the militia in a much less defective state; and he wished to know from the right hon. Sec. at War, whether it was intended to adopt any measure to render the law more efficient; as, if it was not, he should move for a return of the whole militia of the county, in order that the House might see where the deficiencies existed, and who were really to

blame.

The Sec. at War said, that certainly he had himself remarked on a former night, that several regiments of militia were grossly defective in their numbers, and particu larly those in the counties round London; but he did not attach blame to any particular persons, but merely stated the blame must lay somewhere. However, by the last returns from those counties, he was glad to find the deficiency considerably obviated, under the bill for raising the Supplementary Militia; and he trusted that by the time that returns should be made up to the first of August, the regiments would be still more complete. If the hon. member was disposed to move for the returns of any particular regiment, there would be no objection to produce it; but a general mo tion for the return of all, he should oppose as unnecessary.

[EAST INDIA BUDGET.]-Lord Castlereagh (after the House had resolved into a Committee on the East India affairs) opened at considerable length the general statement of the East India Company's affairs in the year beginning from March, 1801, and ending in the same month 1802; he also presented an estimated statement for the year of 1802-3. In the budget which he had presented at the beginning of the ses sion, he had given a detailed statement of the affairs of the Company in 1800-1, and only an estimated statement of 1801-2. He now, having received the accounts, was able to present the actual statement of the last year, and an estimated statement of the current year. He was happy to inform the Committee, that the actual revenue for the last year considerably exceeded the estimated revenue, and that the revenues of every presidency were in a state of improvement. He was conscious that he was going to call the attention of the Committee to a detail of accounts which were not so materially interesting as a budget which more immediately affected the country; but when it was recollected that he was going to speak of an empire possessing an annual revenue of 13 millions, and which was so intimately connected with the prosperity and commerce of this country, to which it contributed so largely, he trusted he should be heard with attention. His lordship then gave a very detailed statement of the situation of the E. I. Comp. both as to its revenues and its charges. The revenues he divided into the foreign revenue and the home revenue: it will be found stated with accuracy, clearness, and precision in the following schedule.