MR. ADDY next finds traces of Welsh settlements in the local names Wales and Waleswood. There are many similar names, such as Walesby, Waleston, Walsham, Walsall (*Weales-heall), on the English maps.* There is a Wales-burna mentioned in 872 (Cartularium Saxonicum,' ii. 152, 19). There is also a Vals-gard and Vals-bol in Denmark; here it is plain that Val (=O.N. *Valr (pl. Valir), A.-S. Wealh) cannot refer to the Welsh. MR. ADDY is no doubt correct in deriving Wal from the A.S. wealh, gen. weales; but the deduction that he draws is wrong. This A.-S. wealh means a foreigner generally (specialized in England as a "Welshman"), and also a slave. Indeed, the corresponding fem. wielen is applied almost exclusively to slaves or handmaids. So far we see that it is far from certain that Wealh in these names means Welshman, for it is just as likely to mean slave." But it does not mean either. MR. ADDY cites in support of his view the Hitchin field-name "Welshman's Croft." But we do not know the age of this name nor its original form, and it is extremely risky to found etymologies upon modern forms without consulting the old spellings. Here is an apposite instance of this danger. The Lincolnshire Walesby is situted in Walsh-croft wapentake. This looks "Welsh" enough! But a reference to Domesday shows that the wapentake was then known as Walescros; so we see that the Walsh has arisen from the dropping of the e of the gen., the coalescence of the s of the gen. and the c of the cros, and the subsequent palatalization of the sc. Hence the genesis of the Walsh is clear enough.

66

nationality of the settlers of one village recorded, why should we not find other nationalities similarly recorded? Let us see whither MR. ADDY'S method of evolving history from local names will lead us. We will test our local names by some other national names besides Wealh. We are not surprised to find the Saxons (A.-S. Seaxe) recorded in Sax-by, Sax-ton, Sax-ham, but it rather astonishes us to find them in the purely Anglian districts. And we may expect to find the name of the Danes (A.-S. Dene) recorded, as we do in such are well aware that the Danes did settle in England. But what is the meaning of the gen. sing. in Dens-ton? In the light of our accepted history we hardly expect to find the Suevi, the Huns, the Franks, or the Vandals established upon English soil. Yet we find distinct traces of their names in our local nomenclature. The name of the Suevi occurs in Swaves-ey, Swafield, the two Swaff-hams, and in the Domesday Sueves-bi and Suave-torp, and in Swafes healh or heall, in 'Cart. Saxon.,' ii. 490, 15. These names come clearly enough from the A.-S. *Swa'f, pl. Swa'fas, or the corresponding O.N. *Sváfr. The name of the Huns is preserved in Hun-shelf, Hun-cote, Huns-bury, Hunscoat, Hun-worth, &c., and in Húnes-cnoll (Cart. Saxon.,' ii. 603, 33) and Húnnes-wiell (id., i. 559, 20). The name of the Franks is recorded in Frank-ley and in the two Frank-tons.‡ The Vandals (A.-S. *Wendel, gen. *Wendles, pl. Wendlas) are commemorated in Uuendles-clif ('Cart. Saxon.,' i. 341, 11, 34), Wandles-cumb§ (Cod. Dipl.,' vi. 120, 15), Wendle-bury, and in Windsor (Wendles-ore, Windles-ora; 'Cod. Dipl.,' iv. 165, 9; 178, 19). And we must conclude from Pyhtes-léa (Pytchley) of Cod. Dipl.,' iii. 439, 14, that even the Picts had a settlement in A.-S. times in Northamptonshire!

The results that we have arrived at are truly alarming. Very few historians will be found ready to accept conclusions that involve a Suevic, a Hunnish, a Frankish, and a Vandal participation in the English Conquest. All these names must stand or fall together. If we admit that the local names in Wales are proof of distinct Celtic settlements in English districts, then, also, must we be prepared to believe that the Sueves, Huns, Franks,

*In Walsham and Walsall the a has been labialized by the subsequent 7. In the other cases the e has prevented this labialization.

†There is also a Vals-fjord in Norway.

In this article, where I give the modern orthography of local names, it is to be understood that that orthography is confirmed by Domesday or some other early authority.

*Their name also occurs in the Danish Sax-trup This is preserved in the Danish Svave-sted. we have a Suevic village in Denmark !

Here

Cf. also the Danish Franke-rup (=Frank-thorpe). The a of Wandles has arisen from the commor confusion in late A.-S. MSS. of e and æ. Hence Wandle = Wendles.

These instances are from charters of dubious authen ticity, but the form of the name agrees with the twelft and thirteenth century Windlesora, &c. The etymolog "winding-shore " is a wild guess. It is, however, adopte by Dr. Taylor in that seges errorum, 'Words and Places

and Vandals had similar villages inhabited solely by men of their own tribe.* It is evident, therefore, that we must reject MR. ADDY's line of argument unless we are prepared to rewrite our early history. I hold that these names no more prove the existence of such national or tribal settlements than the name of the present King of Italy proves that he is a Hun.

What, then, is the explanation of these names? My answer is that it is to be found in the AngloSaxon system of personal names, which is, in truth, the key to the etymology of a large proportion of our local names. Every one of the above names is derived from a personal name embodying a national name. The Teutonic tribes adopted tribal and national names-such as Angle, Goth, Frank, Saxon, Sueve, Vandal, Dane, Hun, &c.—as name-stems; that is, they were freely compounded with other stems to form personal names. Adopting the same principle, the Anglo-Saxons similarly used Piht, a Pict. The name-stem Wealh was, no doubt, used by them long before they made acquaintance with the Welsh. Jordanes, c. xiv., records a fourth century Vala-rauans,t an ancestor of Theodoric the Great. The *Walhs of this name cannot, it is evident, refer to either the Welsh or the Italians, but relates to some other non-Teutonic race, whose acquaintance the Teutons had made at a much earlier date. These names compounded with national names were, of course, subject to the same laws as the other Teutonic names. Hence the first stem could be used as a pet or diminutive form. It is this practice that accounts for the appearance of these national names in our English local names. In other words, local names in Weales-, Swa'fes-, Hunes-, Denes-, Wendles-, &c., are simply derived from men named Wealh, Swa'f, Hún, Dene, Wendel, &c.; or, to put it more accurately, from men whose full names began with these stems.

find an actual instance, apart from the evidence of local names, of the use of these pet forms. The evidence being ample that the Anglo-Saxons used all the above stems in compounding full names, we are, I hold, entitled to assume that they also used these stems alone as pet forms. For instance, we know that Wealh was used in full names; therefore we can at once assume a pet-name Wealh. The accuracy of our principles is at once established by the occurrence of this very name in the following instances: A.D. 696-713, Walh presbyter, 'Cart. Saxon.,' i. 131, 27; a.d. 696-716, Walh presbyter, id., i. 131, 27; A.D. 757, Uales, gen., id., i. 262, 14; A.D. 777-9, Wales, gen., id., i. 313, 13; 325, 10; A.D. 800-900, Walch, Liber Vitae Dunelm., 20, col. 3; A.D. 805-31, Wealh, 'Cart. Saxon.,' i. 445, 26. I have instances of the use of the pet forms Hún and Dene, and the existence of Swae'f is proved by the Swa'fes-healh or heall of 'Cart. Sax.,' ii. 490, 15; but so far I have not met with instances of the names Franc, Wendel, and Seax. But as these names are regular formations from authenticated name-stems, and as they are preserved and recorded in local names, there is not the slightest reason to doubt their having existed.

To show the fallacy of MR. ADDY's arguments it is only necessary to consider that most of the Normantons are older than the Norman conquest, and hence cannot record Norman settlements. They are derived from the name Nord-mann. Similarly the Nottinghamshire Saxon-dale does not record a Saxon settlement, but is derived from the personal name Seax-a, masc., or *Seax-e, fem., gen. masc. and fem. Seax-an.

in 'Words and Places."

*

* This is, practically, the view adopted by Dr. Taylor + This represents a Gothic Wala-hrabns, A.-S. *Wealk-hrafn, O.H.G. Walah-hraban. The High German or Frankish form of this name is familiar to us in the Norman Waleran or the French Gualeran. The name Balcho-baudes in Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvii. 2,6, is, according to Dietrich, from the stem Walho-z. The impossibility of interpreting these personal names as having any ethnic origin is shown by the A.-S. names Weath-hun and Piht-hun, where we have two natural names in each compound.

'FAME'S MEMORIALL,' BY JOHN FORD. Ford's dull and pompous lament for Charles Blount, Baron Mountjoy, who was created Earl of Devonshire in 1603 by James I., has suffered a general, and perhaps merited neglect. I wish to call attention, however, to a few points connected with it, which may not be without interest either to the biographical or bibliographical student. The subject of the poem, it will be remembered, was for some years before his death a lover of Lady Rich, better known as Sir Philip Sidney's "Stella." This lady lived from the first very unhappily with her husband, and about Nov. 15, 1605, she obtained a divorce from him. On December 26 following

she was married to the Earl of Devonshire at Wanstead, in Essex, by William Laud, at that time his chaplain.

This event caused considerable scandal at Court, where before both parties had enjoyed great favour. The legality of the marriage was disputed, and in turn defended by the earl in a learned protest addressed to the king. James remained obdurate, and when the earl died, April 3, 1606, the heralds, it is said, refused to quarter his wife's arms on his tomb. Public opinion, however, was divided. Lamentations for the deceased appeared as usual, and among them was what seems to be Ford's first poetical effort. A MS. of 'Fame's Memoriall' is preserved in the Bodleian Library (Malone, 238). It is a beautifully written small quarto. When purchased, Malone says in a note, it had gilt edges, and is in all probability the actual copy presented to the widowed countess. A comparison of this MS. with the first edition, printed by Christopher Purset, 1606, and, I believe, all subsequent editions, reveals three stanzas more in the MS., 151 against 148, and different, apparently contradictory, dedications. I will notice the latter first. After a few lines common to both, the Epistle Dedicatory (which, by the way, is quaintly addressed to the "Rightlie right Honorable Ladie, the ladie Penelope Countesse of Deuonshire") in the MS. runs : "Yet ere I committed it to the presse (for fame vndiuulged is an hidden minerall) being vnknowne vnto you, I might haue beene imputed as much impudent as fond if I had not first presented it to yo' milder view : Earnest to vnderstand whether your acceptation and liking may priuiledge the passe vnder your honorable conduct: wch if it may, I shall deeme my willing paines, (though hitherto confined to the Inns of Court a Studie different) highlie guerdoned; and myne vnfeathered Muse richlie graced wth ye Plumes of soe worthie a protectresse. The honourer & Louer of your Noble perfections, John Ford."

The parallel passage in the first edition runs :"Let not therefore (worthie Countesse) my rasher presumption seem presumptuous folly, in the eyes of your discreeter iudegment, in that without your priuitie (being a meere straunger alltogether vnknowne to you) I haue thus aduentured to shelter my lines vnder the well-guided conduct of your Honorable name: grounding my boldnes upon this assurance that true ge'tility is euer acco'panyd (especially in your sex, more specially in your selfe) with her inseparable adiunct singular Humanity, principally towards those whom neither Mercenary hopes or seruile flattery haue induced to speake but with the Priuiledge of troth......Thus (Madame) presuming on your acceptance I will think my willing paines," &c.

The two dedications, I have said, appear contradictory. But it seems most unlikely that Ford should have abstained from presenting his lament to the Countess of Devonshire after having it copied by a professional transcriber for the purpose. The explanation is probably that Lady Devonshire disliked to appear to sanction the publication of a poem which treated very frankly various matters concerning herself and her

late husband, and this view is supported by the fact that the three verses omitted from the printed edition are more directly addressed to her and more personal than any others in the work. The second especially describes very forcibly the contrast between Lady Devonshire's position at Court before and after her second marriage. The differences between MS. and printed text gain in interest if we may conclude that they were desired by her. The following are the omitted stanzas. They occur after the verse beginning "O sad disgrace" (v. 94), which, with the previous one, is slightly altered from the original MS. :— Lyue thou vntoucht foreuer aboue fame! More happie yt thou canst not be more haplesse ! The wordes of malice are an vsual game, Whose mouth is lawlesse, whose invention saplesse, Their breast of hony tornes to poison paplesse Still be thine eares to sufferance tun'd readie In mynde resolu'd in resolution stedie. What hee, amongst the proudest of contempt Whiles as thy sunshine lasted, did not bend Vnto thy presence? flattery redempt Wth seruice on their seruice did attend? All stryving to admire, protest, comend, Wch now by imputation black as hell They seeme to derrogate from dooing well. Thy virtue caus'd thy honor to support thee In noble contract of vndoubted merit, His knowledge to his credence did report thee A creature of a more then female sperit, Concord of musick did thy soule inherit, Courtiers but counterfeit thy Rarity For thy perfections brookt no parity. The next verse begins as in the printed editions, "Even as a quire." RACHAEL POOLE.

ALE-TASTERS.-I think the following is worthy of preservation in 'N. & Q.':

"A correspondent of the Newcastle Weekly Chronicle gives the following particulars concerning the last of the taster of Rossendale), may with propriety be described as ale-tasters-The late Richard Taylor, of Bacup (the alethe last of the ale tasters.' His proper calling was that of a spindlemaker, hence his nickname 'Spindle Dick'; and the curious will find allusions to him in the 'History of Rossendale.' He was a fellow of infinite humour, and performed his duties to his lord and the halmot jury as if to the manner born, as the following extract from one of his annual reports will testify:-The appointment which I hold is a very ancient one, dating (as you are aware) from the time of the good King Alfred, when the jury at the court leet appointed their head-boroughs, tithing men, bursholder, and ale-taster, which appointments were again regulated in the time of King Edward III., and through neglect this important office to a beer imbibing population ought not to be suffered to fall into beer is meat, drink, and washing; do away with the office disrepute or oblivion...... To some Rossendale men, indeed of ale-taster, an inferior quality of the beverage may be sold, and the consequent waste of tissue would be awfu to contemplate......In my district there are fifty-five licensed public-houses and sixty-five beer-houses. Th and calculated to prevent the deterioration of tissue, and quality of beer retailed at these houses is generally good I do not detect any signs of adulteration.' When dis