CHAP. IV.] DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS.

85

The

dom and liberality of His Parliament. Speech also stated that he had directed an increase of military force, as views of conquest and dominion had incited France to interfere with the affairs of other countries.

The address was seconded by Mr. Wesley, (Duke of Wellington,) who expressed himself friendly to the claims of the Roman Catholics. This recommendation greatly astonished the high church party, who had been so very active against the Catholics the year before, and with the sanction of this very Government. The Chancellor, the Archbishop of Cashel (Agar), Lord Farnham, and Doctor Duigenan, the country gentlemen, and the grand jurors in particular, who had been formerly instigated to oppose the Catholics, now found themselves abandoned; and the very reverse of the principles in which they were foolishly tutored was now recommended from the highest authority in the State.

Lord Clare was offended, as well as disconcerted. He had not been in the confidence of the British minister, as will appear from the letter of Lord Loughborough to Mr. Grattan which mentions that the wishes of the British Chancellor and Cabinet should only be disclosed to the two secretaries; and from what has been already stated, it is clear that the proceedings in regard to the Catholics were carried on without his knowledge or approbation. In the debate on the address, he did every thing but condemn the speech of his Royal master, and he took that opportunity of inveighing against the Catholics and their petition to the King, which he termed "a gross and malignant deception, with which he did not suppose that any set of men would dare to approach the throne." He entered into a long history of the penal laws, and declared that the Catholic grievances should be finally

86 LD. CLARE'S ILLIBERAL OPPOSITION. [CHAP. IV.

settled this session, and that if any man looked to the total repeal of the Popery laws, it was an absurd and a wicked speculation;-that it was impossible a zealous Catholic could support either a Protestant Establishment, or the connexion with Great Britain;-that if Ireland made the experiment, the Establishment and the connexion would be put to the issue of the sword. He trusted that no degree of lenity, rashness, or timidity, would induce the Parliament of Ireland to yield her best security.

These ill-timed, illiberal, and injudicious sentiments, were most injurious to the Government and to the country, particularly when coming from so high an authority as that of the Chancellor, and contrasted with the benevolent disposition just displayed by the Crown; they were, in fact, suggestions to the King to hate his Irish subjects, and must naturally have disinclined those subjects, however loyal and affectionate before; for it is probable that if a man declares another to be his enemy, he will make him so; or if a man say to two others, "You must to all eternity be enemies," they will either avoid him, or avoid one another, or hate one another; so that, afterwards, when the King continued in his services the individual who declared that no Catholic could support a Protestant establishment or British connexion, the people were led to suppose that the King credited the defamation, and they naturally reciprocated the sentiment of hostility, and thus the Irish Catholics were taught by the Irish Chancellor to hate, because they supposed themselves hated. This speech was a wicked attempt to alienate the King from his people by pronouncing the people alienated from the King; it raised suspicion and jealousy on one side, by the assurance of detestation on the other, and laid a

CHAP. IV.] MR. GRATTAN'S AMENDMENT.

87

train of discord between religion and religion, nation and nation, King and subject; and unfortunately this false witness against the Catholic became afterwards a true prophet, and at a later period the coronation oath was successfully set up by George III. as a final barrier to their emancipation, and it delayed the measure for upwards of thirty years.

In the House of Commons Mr. Grattan proposed an amendment to the address:

"That we admire the wisdom which at so critical a season has prompted your Majesty to come forward and take a leading part in healing the political dissensions of your people on account of religion. We shall take into our immediate consideration the subject graciously recommended from the throne; and at a time when doctrines pernicious to freedom and dangerous to monarchical government are propagated in foreign countries; we shall not fail to impress your Majesty's Catholic subjects with a sense of the singular and eternal obligation they owe to the throne and to your Majesty's Royal person and family."

These sentiments were wise and judicious, both in reference to the claims of the Catholics, and the doctrines in France. Mr. Grattan was always as adverse to the one, as he was friendly to the other; and the line which he now took, as well as that in the subsequent year, facilitated the admission of Lord Fitzwilliam and his party to power, and for a moment opened to Ireland a new and more pleasing prospect. The amendment was agreed to

without a division.

As the Catholic Bill was the leading measure of this year (1793), it may be followed at once throughout its several stages.

On the 4th of February, Mr. Hobart presented a petition from certain Roman Catholic bishops and others, complaining of the penal laws, and praying to be restored to the rights and privileges

88

MR. HOBART'S RELIEF BILL: [CHAP. IV.

of the constitution. Some objections were made by Sir Henry Cavendish, on account of the omission of the word "titular" to the signatures of the bishops; but the objections were not supported, and the petition was received. Mr. Hobart, after panegyrizing the conduct of the Catholics, stated the outline of his measure;-first, to give them the right of voting at elections ;-secondly, to enable them to vote for magistrates in cities and corporate towns-to enable them to sit as grand jurors to disallow challenges against Catholics on petty juries-to authorize His Majesty to enable Catholics to endow a college and schoolto allow them to carry arms when possessed of certain property-to empower them to be magistrates, and to hold civil offices under certain limitations. He said that it was in contemplation to admit them to hold commissions in the army and navy, after a communication had been made upon the subject to the English Government. He then got leave to bring in the bill, and was seconded by Sir Hercules Langrishe in a very able and judicious speech.

The bill was opposed by Dr. Duigenan, in a speech remarkable for length, its violence, and its hostility to the Catholics; comprising a history as well as a libel upon Ireland. His principle was this: "A Protestant King, a Protestant Parliament, a Protestant Hierarchy, Protestant electors and Government, the bench of justice, the army and the revenue, through all their branches and detail, Protestants." Such was the doctrine which the high church party in Ireland then strove to uphold, and this in a kingdom where the Catholics amounted to 3,000,000, and the Protestants to 500,000, many of whom were friendly to the Catholics, and a convention of whom in the province of Ulster, had, a few days previous (15th of

CHAP. IV.]

PROCEEDINGS THEREON.

89

February), met at Dungannon, and after debating for two days, had decided in favour of the immediate and unqualified admission of their Roman Catholic brethren, as well as in favour of a radical reform in the representation of the people.

On the 18th, Mr. Hobart proposed his Bill. After some debating, and a suggestion from Sir Lawrence Parsons, that the elective franchise should only be extended to Catholics who had 201. a-year freehold property, it was agreed that the Bill should be read a second time on the 22d of February on this occasion the old opponents of the Catholics, indignant at the treatment they received, and at the inconsistency of Government, who had made them the dupe of their artifice or incapacity, now appeared in the arena with renewed determination, and loudly protested against the proceedings adopted by the Minister.

On

the other hand, the friends of the people particularly exerted themselves, especially the Provost (Hutchinson), Messrs. Ponsonby, Curran, Forbes, Day, and Duquery. They contended that the Bill should have conceded more, and at once have gone the whole length, and given seats in Parliament; that it was not natural or possible that the Catholics could remain quiet or content with half power or half privileges. Mr. Grattan expressed the same opinion in a speech distinguished for its fire and spirit, which the publications of the day called "so divine an enthusiasm, that if ever a heavenly impulse animated a human breast, it was visible on this occasion." The concluding part is here inserted :

"I understand the policy of Rome and of Sparta : their slaves could have no landed nor commercial property; but yours may, and may add to physical superiority of numbers the political influence of riches; and a vast landed property-they may become a great power in the nation, and