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CHAP. IX.]

TO MR. GRATTAN.

315

having made up my mind whether I should move any thing upon the affairs of Ireland, I wished not to write till I had come to a decision; and since that period I have really scarce had a moment to myself; at all events, I hope you will attribute my silence to any other motive rather than to a want of thankfulness for your kind communications, or of personal regard and attention to yourself.

If the newspapers have given a tolerably fair account of my speech upon the affairs of Ireland, you will doubtless have remarked, that I have proceeded principally upon the facts and arguments with which you furnished me. The answer to me was, as I expected, chiefly grounded upon the impropriety of our interference with your independent Legislature; and I observe, by the newspapers, that this topic is to be brought forward in Dublin, for the purpose of making me unpopular on your side of the channel. I am sure even the Parliament of Ireland can have no right to complain of me upon this subject, when I put the case (as I did) upon the fact of perfect reciprocity; for I contended, and do contend, that if Great Britain were in such a disturbed state as that a considerable portion of it (Yorkshire, for instance) was put by the Government out of the King's peace, or even if things were in such a state as to threaten such a calamity, I say in such a case it would be justifiable and creditable in your Parliament to address the King to adopt lenient councils, &c.; and how much more so if you saw that he was likely to call upon you for men and money to subdue his British subjects. I am sure I need use no further arguments upon a subject upon which I believe our opinions are exactly alike; but as I see Mr. Ogle and Dr. Duigenan mean to make a violent attack upon this business, I should wish to know, that what I have done, is at least not disapproved of by the minority of the Irish House of Commons, and this not so much for my own private satisfaction, as because I think it material for the public interest, that the two Ministers should act in the affairs of Ireland upon similar principles, although I confess I have little hope of either, or both of them jointly, being able to effect any good, or prevent the absolute ruin of the two countries.

If there is any measure more likely than another to give us a chance of salvation, I think it would be a general expression, on the part of the people of Ireland, of their wish for the removal of Ministers, or perhaps of Pitt

316

BISHOP OF WATERFORD:

[CHAP. IX. personally, as a first step to reform of abuses. I am sure you are of too liberal a nature to attribute my opinion on this point to motives either of ambition or resentment. The truth is, that without a change of Ministry no good can be done, either with you or with us: without it we cannot have peace: you cannot have reform; nor real independence; and I see enough of the state of things here to be persuaded that no change will take place without a determined expression of the sense of the people. Whether even that will do, I doubt; but the petitions here would certainly acquire considerable additional weight from being backed by the wishes of the people of Ireland.

However, whether such measures as I point out be or be not practicable in Ireland, you must be a better judge than I; and to your judgment, and to that of others who think with you, in this instance I implicitly defer ;-at all events, I think it is a time in which inactivity on either side of the channel is nearly criminal. Ruin almost certain is coming on, and when it arrives, it will be a miserable excuse for having done nothing to prevent it, that we thought we could do no good.

I have gone farther upon this subject than I intended; but the dreadful view I have of public affairs is such, that when I am writing to, or conversing with a person, whom I think capable of comprehending the real magnitude of the objects before us, I hardly know when to leave off.

I really think that the existence of the funded property of England, and the connexion between our two countries, depend upon the measures to be taken in a few, in a very few months.

I am, with great regard, dear Sir, yours ever,

C. J. Fox.

Lord Camden had conferred the bishoprick of Waterford on Mr. Grattan's uncle (Richard Marley.) He had in him a warm supporter, anxious for the success of his administration. He was desirous to soften the opposition of his nephew, and he wrote to him without reserve; but although he differed from Mr. Grattan in politics, his affection remained unchanged. Mr. Grattan's reply shows the goodness of his heart, and his rec

CHAP. IX.] LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. GRATTAN. 317

titude in upholding principles which he considered to be right, even at the risk of losing the friendship of a relation he so highly valued :

THE BISHOP OF WATERFORD TO MR. GRATTAN.

Jervis-street, 14th May, 1797. MY DEAR HARRY,-Before we settle in the country, I wish we could settle the business of Anne's fortune.*

I have read the report of the secret committee: its truth cannot be doubted.

The leaders of your party, who do not in the most public manner speak their abhorrence of the United Irishmen, and their plans, must be thought cowards that fear them, or traitors who wish them success, and would wade through blood to get into power. Such is my opinion, and such the opinion of all, who are not the slaves and tools of party, and the friends of riot and murder.

I speak most disinterestedly on the subject: you must be convinced how sincerely I wish your happiness, and how anxious I am that your character may not be thought like the characters of those with whom you often live.

You have excellent parts,-and most uncommon application,-in judgment you never err,-your honesty never fails. I hope I shall never see you tormented with

power.

Your enemies say your ambition is restless and childish -I hope it may be disappointed for your sake, and that Popery may not be established and Christianity destroyed by popish art, zeal, and tyranny. I am not vain enough to suppose, that any thing that I can say can change your opinion; I write, I confess, to vent my feelings, and to assure you, I must be your very affectionate +

R. WATERFORD.

MR. GRATTAN TO THE BISHOP OF WATERFORD.

17th May, 1797. MY DEAR UNCLE;-Anne's business we will settle when you please.

I love you for your advice; it was, however, impossible

* A connexion of the Bishop's.

+ When he was dying, he desired that his property should be left solely to Mr. Grattan; but the latter, with that disinterestedness that always marked his character in money matters, insisted that it should be divided among his relations, and in consequence Mr. Grattan got onefourth instead of the entire.

318

RETIREMENT FROM THE YEOMANRY. [CHAP. IX.

for us to concur in the address on the report, because that address contained unqualified approbation of the system of coercion, with unqualified exhortation to pursue it. As far as a temperate manner of repeating my real opinions, perhaps errors, your advice certainly had its influence. When you wish that I may not be tormented with power, I am convinced you are my friend, and in that wish, I believe you will succeed. You over-rate my industry, and my talents; but then you think you restore the balance of justice when you mention the errors of my judgment. You are mistaken, believe me; I have committed more errors in judgment than ever you charge me with; and it is your partiality that sees so few, and not your prejudice that sees so many. There is one error of judgment which I shall never commit, and against which my head, as well as my heart protects me-I shall never cease to love, respect, and admire you. Yours ever, H. GRATTAN.

When Mr. Grattan found that the Irish Government proceeded to such violent measures, that the people were almost handed over to the military; and that he might be called to act against them, and in a manner inconsistent with his duty and feelings as a man of humanity and a freeman, he determined no longer to remain in the yeomanry corps, which on their formation he had joined as a private; and, accordingly, he sent in his resignation, and addressed this letter to his commanding officer:

MR. GRATTAN TO CAPTAIN (AFTERWARDS LORD) MONCK, COMMANDING THE POWERSCOURT CAVALRY.*

May, 1797,

MY DEAR SIR;-It gives me great concern that the late determination of Government, with respect to the people of Ireland, should have been against measures of conciliation, and for measures of coercion and force. Such a determination makes it impossible for me to hold any military situation, however insignificant, under a government so disposed. If ever I am sent into actual service, it shall never be against my country.

I have a very high opinion of our corps, and its officers,

* See the account of this Corps-Holt's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 292.

CHAP. IX.]

CASE OF WILLIAM ORR.

and a love for both. affection and regret.

319

I, therefore, take my leave with much
And am, dear sir, yours very truly,
H. GRATTAN.

MR. GRATTAN TO MR. M'CAN.

Castle Connell, 1797.

DR. M'CAN;-I got your letter of the 18th full time enough. I find myself better; however, my stomach strengthens but slowly-still it gets strength-the weather begins to improve-it has been intolerable. I read the accounts of executions, and convictions.* 'Tis a melan

* The case that excited the strongest sympathy was that of William Orr, a respectable farmer in the north of Ireland, brother to a lawyer of that name. He had been in prison for upwards of a year, and at length was brought to trial, charged by a soldier of the Scotch Fencibles with administering to him the United Irishmen's oath. This man's testimony was impeached on the ground of character; and Mr. Curran stated that a subsequent enquiry disclosed the infamous life and reputation of this informer. The jury deliberated for thirteen hours, and at length found him guilty, but with a recommendation to mercy. Two jurors deposed before Baron Yelverton (who tried the case along with Judge Chamberlane) that whisky had been brought into the jury-box, and administered to the jurors-and that some of them were under the influence of liquor when they found their verdict; another swore that he was induced to find the prisoner guilty on the assurance by some of the jurors, that the Government would not execute him. His brother, anxious to save him, forged his name to a confession of guilt, on the understanding that some of the leading gentry of the county of Antrim would apply to Government in his favour; but they subsequently declined. The judge submitted to the Lord lieutenant the recommendations for mercy. The prisoner was three times reprieved! The witness Wheatly declared that what he had sworn against him was false; but yet Lord Camden was inexorable, and at the end of a month the unfortunate man was executed. He had indignantly refused to declare he was guilty, and died, protesting his innocence.

Lord Camden was greatly blamed.

"Remember Orr!-Remember Orr!" were words written every where pronounced every where. I recollect, when a child, to have read them on the walls-to have heard them spoken by the people. Fortunately I did not comprehend their meaning. The conduct of the Irish executive was so reprobated, that at a public dinner in London, given in honour of Mr. Fox's birth-day, in one of the rooms where the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Oxford, Mr. Erskine, Sir Francis Burdett, and Horne Tooke were, two of the toasts were "The memory of Orr-basely M—D—D. May the execution of Orr provide places for the Cabinet of St. James's at the Castle!"

In consequence of a publication on this subject, and signed Marcus, which appeared in the "Press," a newspaper set up by Arthur O'Connor, Mr. Finnerty, the printer, was in December, 1797, convicted of a libel. Mr. Curran, on that occasion, made one of his able and eloquent displays. His description of an informer, already mentioned, (page 160,) was unrivalled. I have heard that Mr. Fox admired it par

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