250 MR. GRATTAN'S SPEECH [CHAP. VIII. tinction of religion." This was seconded by Mr. B. Ponsonby, and was strongly supported by Mr. Curran, Mr. Geo. Ponsonby, Mr. Fletcher, and Mr. Duquery; it was, however, rejected by 149 to 12-so reduced were the numbers of the Opposition-so strong the party against the people! Some extracts from Mr. Grattan's speech deserve more attention on account of the critical and eventful period at which they were delivered. Alluding to the war, and the Continental coalition, "He observed on the successes of the Austrians, which, he said, were as brilliant as they were seasonable; but he requested the House to consider the situation of the empire notwithstanding those successes-Italy conquered; the left bank of the Rhine at present in the hands of FranceSavoy annexed-the Alps and the Rhine her boundarythe confederacy (the Emperor only excepted) dispersedthe Spaniard in alliance with France, probably at war with England-the British excluded from the ports of Europe the fall of the funds-and the durable and consolidated state of the French Republic, with great addition of territory and alliance—that this appears to be the case on the comparative view of the campaign. But what was our situation, on the whole, of the war? The loss of Holland-the deposition of the Stadtholder-the acquisition to France of the Belgic provinces, and a great part of Germany, accompanied with immense losses of men, and an increase of debt exceeding 100,000,000l. Having considered the minister's ill success, he begged to contemplate the powers which were wasted on him. Father of Mercy! what were they at the opening of the war? And first :All Europe, various in her views and various in her exertions-but there she was with immense armies in perfect discipline, pouring on a single country in a state of complete anarchy-there was beside the special exertion of the British empire: Parliament unbounded in its grants, unlimited in its confidence, and as patient as it was profuse, bringing alternately to the Throne-Loan in one hand, and Liberty in the other. There was the city of London, with her Amalthean Horn-there was the landed interest, with its fears; and the commercial interest, with its confi CHAP. VIII.] ON THE AMENDMENT. 251 dence there was the aristocracy, with whatever it possessed of inert property and inert talent. Loans, votes of credit, anticipations, indemnity following anticipations, and following every encroachment on law, where Parliament had omitted to legalize by anticipation, encroachment on liberty-that was everything, except the enthusiasm of a military country. There was also Ireland-poor, plundered, ill-used, insulted, and forgiving Irelandand though represented by the minions easily raised and easily put down, pouring into the fleets and armies until she was forced to leave herself without a soldier for her ministers' ill-fated and wide-wasting West India expedition, where those ministers, by their plan and their delay, supplied the place of plague, pestilence, and famine." * Referring to the case of the Catholics, he said "They scolded the people from the bar of the House of Commons-they had kicked their prayers after them; they had instructed Grand Juries to publish denunciations against the Catholics-they had then_taken up the Catholics-they had then resumed the Protestant ascendancy again they had, taken up the Catholics, and again they had let them down-encouraging and maturing by alternate hope and apprehension, the zeal of the distinct sects-the blockhead's sense and the Court's deistical devotion, to unite under the crazy colours of religious war and carnage-they had in the progress of their defeat promised a change of ministers and measures-they get a great supply-recal the minister for making the promises under their own authority, and tell the Catholics, whom they had deceived, that they must for ever remain disqualified for seats in Parliament, and offices in the State, for the better securing the Crown and the connection-the people petition-they had answered their grants by disappointment--they then answered their petitions by fencibles; the army they had withdrawn when the French had threatened the country-and they pour it in when the people petition the Crown. The leading Catholics who had assisted in planning the petition to His Majesty, they had prosecuted, without colour or pretence, for high treason the lower orders of the Catholics they give up to an armed mob, to be exterminated with violence-triumphant in a course of years, and put them out of the 252 cause. * MR. GRATTAN'S SPEECH [CHAP. VIII. protection of the law: they do this, when by their misconduct abroad, they had reason to apprehend invasion at home, and when they had so reduced the army, that they had left His Majesty's Government no chance for its safety, but in what, I imagine, now must be its best security-the unanimity of his people. If ever this country is lost to England, depend on it this system will be the This country can only be saved by her own force, and her own force can only be procured by adopting the Catholics, and they can only be adopted by a total and entire change of maxims, measures, and manners, accompanied with a free and full participation of whatever privileges the constitution can boast, and what is infinitely more essential, whatever privileges the constitution intended. This is the force, the power, the charm, the staff of your Saint, that will banish from your isle all noxious animals; the wand that opens the sea to the English, and will wall it up against the French. Quickvery quick-you have not a moment to lose-you have given your fellow-subjects a share of your taxes, your defeats, and depopulation, kindly, very kindly—give them now a share of your blessings, whatever your ministers have left you. Let us make no more sacrifices of our liberties let us now sacrifice our prejudices-they will ascend in incense, the best use you can make of them--and be a tiding to your God, that you are become a convert to your country.' The high-church party, during the debate, had congratulated themselves that Mr. Grattan was now at the close of his political life; to which he replied "He was told that he was at the close of his political life. He would borrow a few moments of that life to repeat the sentiment, and re-assert a claim dear to his heart, however reduced our number, however solitary our phalanx. It had been objected, that the Catholic claim should not have been made the amendment of an address. To such an objection it was necessary to reply very little-claims of right, liberties, and franchises, redress of grievances, and removal of abuses, did naturally belong to, and where Parliaments did their duty, were inseparable from addresses, prodigal and abundant with the offers of lives and fortunes; that to CHAP. VIII.] ON THE AMENDMEnt. 253 the address under their consideration, such claim did more particularly belong, because it contained a new and further offer of life, in the enrolment of corps, which, if exclusive, were wicked, and if inclusive, unless freedom should accompany arms, were hazardous; that it was particularly becoming in those who were connected with Lord Fitzwilliam's administration to make the amendment, because the plan of Catholic emancipation was a part of their plan of county armament; and lastly, it was peculiarly seasonable now to advance the claim of the Catholic to sit in Parliament, as we are on the eve of a general election, and the loss of this session is to the Catholic the loss of nine years: that he did allow, that precedents where the rights and franchises of the subject were made any part of an address to the Crown, were of late years few indeed; that addresses of late were unconditional surrender, and unqualified submission to every Minister, to any Minister, and to all Ministers; that, however, in the perilous moments of the State there were precedents in favour of the people, and accordingly, in 1793, the Throne came a little nearer the condition of the people, and the speech, in extremes, recommended measures of reconciliation; nor should I have been surprised had the speech of this session done the same; if the changes of war were not to the minister of these countries, the change of sentiment, but that now, instead of reconciliation, gentlemen called for unanimity without it, that is, for a Parliamentary unanimity, instead of a national one; that there might be, and he had often been a witness to two unanimities, namely, an unanimity in Parliament for loans for taxes-for penal laws-for rejection of petitions -and for the unqualified surrender of the life, fortunes, and liberty of the subject;-but at the same time without doors an unanimity against those measures-unanimity for privileges for emancipation-and for reformation; that is to say, unanimity within doors for the Minister, and without doors unanimity against him; frightful unanimities these, founded on one side in folly, in fear, in influence, in the little motive, and the puny gratification, in influences visible. and invisible-founded on the other side in wounded pride, public principle, and public indignation, and which connected with the other, left the minister too strong for the nation, and too weak for the enemy. Referring to the imprudent declaration of Mr. 254 MR. GRATTAN'S SPEECH [CHAP. VIII. Pelham (then Secretary, afterwards Lord Chichester), he observed: "If there was a language that could be called invitation* -if it were possible for an Irish member of Parliament to invite invasion-if it were possible for a member of this House to give encouragement in France beyond all example or imitation-there was the member who had done it-the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary, the representative of the English Cabinet in Ireland, who had spoken as follows: The exclusion of Catholics from Parliament and the State, is necessary for the Crown and the connexion-that he is ready to meet the question now -that he was ready to support it with life and fortune.' This dreadful, this deadly, this wild, and this fatal proscription, when he is calling for volunteers to enrol in the service, what language, what denunciation, what dictation could France have suggested more opportune in time, more pregnant in disaffection, or more authoritative in mischief? his practical logic has been, that in time of apprehended invasion it is perilous to hold the language of reconciliation, and discreet to hold the language of proscription-eternal and indefeasible proscription! denounced by a minister of the Crown, speaking to three-fourths of his Majesty's subjects. France knew perfectly well that she had gained Brabant, but she did not know till now that she had gained in the councils of the King of England-that fatal partizan, who, with the best intention in the world, could thus in his Majesty's dominions, and from his seat in Parliament, recruit for the French republic: the Member may rely on it, the Catholic-the Irish will not long submit to such an interdict; they will not suffer a stranger (amiable as the Right Hon. Member may be, he is but a stranger) to tell us on what proud terms English Government will consent to rule in Ireland, still less to pronounce and dictate the incapacity of the natives, as the terms of her dominion, and the base condition of our connection and allegiance. We love the monarchy, and we love the connexion, as compatible with, and instrumental to the preservation of Irish liberties-preferring our own liberties and our people * Mr. Grattan's foresight here appears remarkable; for Theobald Wolfe Tone actually used the debates and speeches of the Government party, with the French Executive Directory, as an inducement to invade the country, and a proof of probable success. |