Page images
PDF
EPUB

CHAPTER VIII.

Conduct of the Irish on the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, March, 1795-Addresses to Mr. Grattan, and his answers-Error of the Opposition in joining the Duke of Portland-Arrival of Lord Camden-Mr. Grattan's remarks as to British cabinet and connexion-Sensation in the House by his spirited conduct-Motion on the state of the nation-rejected-Separation between Protestant and Catholic-Rejection of Catholic question-Remarks of Mr. Grattan-Result of change of government -Defenders and Orangemen-Persecution of Catholics-Lord Gosford and the Armagh resolutions-Spread of Defenderism and United Irish-Illegal conduct of Lord Carhampton-Parliament meets, January, 1796-Indemnity and Insurrection Bills-Speech of Lord Edward Fitzgerald-State of peasantry-Motion of Curran and JephsonWhig Club report on the poor of Ireland-Invasion apprehended— Parliament called in October 1796-Mr. Grattan's amendmentMessrs. Fletcher and Curran-Habeas Corpus Act suspended-Mr. Grattan's proposition in favour of the Catholics-His declaration as to the Government measures- -Yeomanry called out.

THE Irish people did not remain silent or passive spectators of the duplicity practised upon them by Mr. Pitt. Oppressed by penal laws, they had long submitted to unmerited injury. Now they were called on to submit to unwonted insult. They justly felt, that though the former might be atoned for, yet the latter admitted of no compensation; and if they tolerated such indignity without a murmur, they would be lowered in their own esteem, and in the opinion of every lover of justice and freedom. Accordingly, Protestants and Catholics alike assembled, and addressed Lord Fitzwilliam and Mr. Grattan, deprecating the departure of the Viceroy, and the loss of the public measures which he and Mr. Grattan had supported. Petitions were presented to the King, complaining of the conduct of his minister. The counties of Tipperary, Galway, Wexford, the

216

DUBLIN CATHOLIC ADDRESS. [CHAP. VIII.

Queen's County, the Catholics of Dublin, the Protestants of Londonderry, some of the minor Corporations of Dublin, the Students of the University, addressed Mr. Grattan on the occasion, and expressed, in spirited and patriotic terms, their sense of the ill-treatment which the country had received. Mr. Grattan's replies merit attention, as well for the principles they contain, as for the sketch of Irish affairs which they delineate. No history of these times would be complete without them.

ADDRESS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF DUBLIN.

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan.

SIR,-We are instructed by the Catholics of Dublin to offer you their humble tribute of thanks and gratitude, as well for the eminent services which you have rendered to this kingdom on various occasions, as for your able and generous exertions in their cause. It is not easy to do justice to a man whose name is connected with the most brilliant events of his time, and who has already obtained the highest of all titles,-the deliverer of his country: but though it is impossible to add to your fame by any terms we can employ, it must be grateful to you to learn that you have a place, not only in the admiration, but in the affections of your countrymen.

To be thus loved and admired is surely an amiable distinction. It may not, perhaps, be sufficient to preserve or purchase station and power at court, but to a well-formed mind it is a source of purer satisfaction, than the favour and protection even of monarchs or their ministers. Few men have had it in their power to do so much for their native land as you have done for Ireland. When you first entered into public life, garrison habits, and provincial prejudices, were opposed to Irish interests and feelings, and, what was still more discouraging, the different descriptions of people in this country, far from being ready to meet in a common point for their mutual advantage, were kept asunder by perverse and unintelligible antipathies of a religious nature. Into this chaos of contradiction you infused your spirit, and brought order in some measure out of confusion. The first effort of your eloquence was to rouse the Irish parlia

CHAP. VIII.] MR. GRATTAN'S ANSWER.

217

ment to assert its own independence; and, notwithstanding the habits of subjection which particular causes had induced, you were successful. At present you are engaged in a pursuit equally honourable to your head, and still more to your heart. As mover of the Catholic Bill, you are endeavouring to inculcate the necessity of moderation and justice, where you had before inspired courage: and urging men who triumphed over foreign supremacy, to an act of much greater dignity and difficulty,-a sacrifice of the prejudices of their youth and education.

In this work, so full of genius and public spirit, and which goes to the creation of a people, as your former exertions went to the forming of a constitution, you have already made considerable progress; and when you and your illustrious friends were called to the councils of a virtuous viceroy, we looked with confidence to the accomplishment of your patriotic intentions.

Some enemy, however, to the king and to the people, has interposed his malignant and wicked suggestions, and endeavoured to throw obstacles in the way of our total emancipation. But we are far from giving way to sentiments of despondency and alarm. We feel the justice of our pretensions, and we are persuaded that what is fittest will prevail over the arts of perfidy and falsehood.

What gives us the most sensible satisfaction, is the general union of sentiment that pervades all ranks and descriptions of Irishmen on the present occasion. Never did Ireland speak with a voice so unanimous. Protestants

and Catholics are at this moment united, and seem to have no other contest but who shall resent most the outrage that has· been offered to Irish pride in the intended removal of a patriotic viceroy from the Government, and you and your friends from the councils of this kingdom.

(Signed)

By order, &c. &c.

MR. GRATTAN'S ANSWER.

GENTLEMEN;-In supporting you, I support the Protestants. We have but one interest and one honour, and whoever gives privileges to you, gives vigour to all. The Protestant already begins to perceive it. A late attack has rallied the scattered spirits of the country from the folly of religious schism, to the recollection of national honour; and a nation's feuds are lost in a nation's resentment. Your emancipation will pass; rely on it, your emancipation

218

:

MR. GRATTAN'S ANSWER TO [CHAP. VIII.

must pass it may be death to one Viceroy, it will be the peace-offering of another; and the laurel may be torn from the dead brow of one governor to be craftily converted into the olive for his successor.

Let me advise you by no means to postpone the consideration of your fortunes till after the war; rather let Britain receive the benefit of your zeal during the exigency which demands it, and you yourselves, while you are fighting to preserve the blessing of a constitution, have really and bona fide those blessings.

My wish is that you should be free now; there is no other policy which is not low and little; let us at once instantly embrace, and greatly emancipate.*

On this principle I mean to introduce your bill, with your permission, immediately after the recess.

You are pleased to speak of the confidence and power with which for a moment I was supposed to have been possessed.

When his Majesty's ministers were pleased to resort to our support, they took us with the incumbrance of our reputation, and with all our debts and mortgages which we owed to our country.

To have accepted a share of confidence and council without a view to private advantage, will not meet, I hope, with the disapprobation of my country; but to have accepted that share without any view of public advantage, would have been refinement on the folly of ambition; measures, therefore, public measures and arrangements, and that which is now disputed, were stipulated by us, were

* These words were animadverted on many years afterwards in the Imperial Parliament by Sir Robert Peel (then Secretary). He had persevered to the last in opposing this principle of Mr. Grattan. Ultimately, he was forced to submit, and give, in 1829, a reluctant, and hard-earned victory to the Catholics. But this tardy and thrifty concession deprived the measure of its healing effects, and impaired its greatness. It came late, -it came ungraciously, — it disfranchised 200,000 Irish electors, and even Mr, O'Connell, who had been returned for Clare, was excluded by its enactment.

The spirited conduct of the people of Clare was beyond all praise, and should never be forgotten by those who value freedom. In spite of threats, promises, and intimidation, they persevered in returning a Catholic before the repeal of the exclusive statutes-(he could be elected, though he could not sit or vote without incurring a heavy penalty). Yet, as if for this virtuous conduct, the forty shilling voters were disfranchised. Such are generally the rewards that Ireland has received for her patriotism!

CHAP. VIII.] THE DUBLIN CATHOLICS.

219

promised in one quarter, and with assurances they were resisted in another.

In the service of Government, under his Excellency's administration, we directed our attention to two great objects, the kingdom and the empire. We obtained certain beneficial laws, the discovery and reformation of certain abuses, and were in progress to reform more; we obtained a great force, and a great supply, with the consent and confidence of the people. These were not the measures of courtiers, they were the measures of ministers.

His Excellency Lord Fitzwilliam may boast that he offered to the empire, the affections of millions, a better aid to war than his enemies can furnish, who have forfeited those affections, and put themselves in their place.

So decidedly have the measures of Ireland served the empire, that those who were concerned in them might appeal from the cabals of the British Cabinet to the sense of the British nation. I know no cause for the displeasure of the English Cabinet; but if the services done to Ireland are crimes which cannot be atoned for by the empire, I must lament the gloomy prospects of both kingdoms, and receive a discharge from the service of Government, as the only honor an English minister can confer on an Irish subject. I conceive the continuance of Lord Fitzwilliam as necessary for the prosperity of this kingdom. His firm integrity is formed to correct; his mild manners to reconcile, and his private example to discountenance a progress of vulgar and rapid pollution; if he is to retire, I condole with my country. For myself, the pangs on that occasion I should feel, on rendering up my small portion of ministerial breath, would be little, were it not for the gloomy prospects afforded by those dreadful guardians which are likely to succeed. "I tremble at the return to power of your old task-masters: that combination which galled the country with its tyranny, insulted her by its manners, exhausted her by its rapacity, and slandered her by its malice. Should such a combination, once inflamed, as it must be now by the favour of the British court, and by the reprobation of the Irish people, return to power, I have no hesitation to say that they will extinguish Ireland, or Ireland must remove them. It is not your case only, but that of the nation. I find the country already committed in the struggle; I beg to be committed along with her, and to abide the issues of her fortunes.

« PreviousContinue »