200 MR. BURKE'S VIEWS STATED [CHAP. VII. enabled to do these things, and by which you would be enabled to continue them, until the very idea of Jacobinism was eradicated from every part of this empire. I beg your pardon a thousand times, if I have been the means of the triumph of the intrigues of Ireland over your manly virtues. I am told that they already cry, victory! They say that no evil can happen from the disgrace of the Lord-lieutenant, and from your being set aside; that by what you have done, you have disarmed your opposition; that they have you fast; and that they have nothing now but to enter quietly into their old possessions, and to enjoy the fruits of your labours. If I have been the means of taunting and insulting you in this manner, and of discouraging all men of honourable characters and independent situations from acting hereafter the part that you have acted, I take a shame to myself, not lessened by the goodness of my intentions; for I ought not to have meddled. The malignant part of the opposition, who predicted this very thing, and whose joy upon it knows no bounds, judged better by the event than I did. This day, I hear from all parts, is to them a real day of jubilee. I am lost and confounded; I have humbly submitted my sentiments; I have nothing, but to take refuge in oblivion, until I take refuge in the grave. As to you, you are a man, a man of honour and of wisdom; you will know what to do. I am most incapable of offering my advice, in a case like this. Some things occur to me, but having so often failed already, it is fit that I should make no further attempts. Certainly there is something not short of madness abroad. It is much fitter for me to suppose myself to be under its influence, than to conceive it affects so many reputed to be wise, and who certainly ought to be so. I am now to tell you what is objected to you, as separated from the matters of arrangement, which are more justly put-as, of course, they ought to be-to the account of Lord Fitzwilliam. It is said, that in your situation (which, though independent of, is not unconnected with Government, in whose Parliamentary business you substantially take the lead) you ought to have communicated your intentions, with regard to the Catholics, to the administration here,* that they might take the *This report, so industriously circulated, was quite unfounded, for Mr. Grattan had communicated the heads of the bill and all matters CHAP. VII.] IN A LETTER TO MR. GRATTAN. 201 matter seriously into their consideration, and, in a measure of such importance, to consider to what extent any thing to be done in their favour ought to go. They complain that this was not done on your part. It is further said, that supposing you had not formed any distinct scheme upon the subject, and waited to confer further with the parties concerned in Ireland, you ought to have deferred the motion for leave to bring in the bill, until the substance of the proposition was forwarded hither, and the sense of the King's servants taken, whether it would be right to give it the countenance of the Court. I do not find, that as to the substance of the very large concession towards that body, that the Ministers are come to any positive resolution against it; but they say, that it is fair that it should be laid before them: and those who, though not Ministers, are zealous in their support, say that you have treated them as ill as possible, in not having, through the Lord-lieutenant, made this communication. It is complained, that even at this hour, they have not a copy of the intended bill-that by this means they cannot exercise their judgment, so as to obtain any sort of credit with the Catholics towards the Government, to which it is proposed to attach them by benefits, by any concession that can be made; but that the hesitation, which must ever belong to men when they deliberate, will be given, as a proof of an ill disposition towards that body, which does not exist. This is what is said. What observations have made upon these matters of objection, is of no weight with you. I could only speak from rational conjecture, and what would be my probable motives for acting as you have done, in the situation in which you are. Thus far I wrote last night. Your letter did not come to my house until the post had gone away. Since I received it, I have seen four of the Cabinet Ministers, and have laid the matter before them, in the fullest manner that the time would permit. I dare not give you any clear hope of an amicable settlement; but I do not give it up as impracticable. The Duke of Portland has been ill for some days; the complaint is an erysipelas; but I plainly perceive that this very business sinks his heart, and is preying on his vitals. I declined to give an advice, but I have no scruple, after much consideration in a relating to it to Lord Fitzwilliam, before he moved for leave to bring it in, and these were forwarded to the minister in England. 202 MR. BURKE'S REMARKS [CHAP. VII. sleepless night, to say that Lord Fitzwilliam, neither in honour, nor in prudence, public or private, can at this moment think of quitting Ireland. I am clear about it; and by next post, that is, to-morrow, please God, I shall state my reasons somewhat more fully; but move heaven and earth against a sudden step. Let no part of the mischief be attributed to that. I say this without any reference at all to anger, fear, or hope, but imperious duty and inflexible principle demand it. Adieu for to-day-and God send us other times. Yours ever, most devotedly, EDMUND BURKE. EDMUND BURKE TO MR. GRATTAN. March 5th, 1795. I MY DEAR SIR,-I cannot get the letter* I proposed to send with this copied time enough for the post, which waits at the door. My mind is in a state of too much distress to permit me to write to you very much at large; it has not, however, hindered me from submitting my thoughts and my observations on your letter, to such of the people in power here as I have been able to see. With one of the principal of them I spent two hours yesterday, and two hours the day before. I was admitted with facility, and heard with great temper, and I may say with great indulgence, but with what effect I know not. have reason to apprehend that the general state of things is not yet materially altered; they are in a most unpleasant way, and must remain so, whilst a certain FAMILY CABALT are in the sole possession of the ear of Government, as long as it is believed that they, and they alone, are faithfully attached to the interests of the Crown, and the only proper representatives of English Government; and that all others are selfish and violent persons, either seeking their own gratifications at the expense of the public peace, or hunting, at any hazard, after wild popularity. As long as it is believed that things would have gone on perfectly well in the old hands, and that an attempt to widen the bottom of Government by displacing those who were best disposed, and most able to save it, for the purpose of procuring unanimity, by taking in the most considerable of those who were discontented with that Government, was the cause of all the divisions and distractions which * This letter could not be procured. CHAP. VII.] ON THE CABAL. 203 agitate Ireland, and all the evils which may hereafter arise from them. These ideas, together with an opinion which I am afraid is never to be removed from the mind of Mr. Pitt, that Lord Fitzwilliam has removed these people from a desire in their persons of maltreating him, are industriously circulated. God knows how deeply these things may sink into their hearts; but no means are omitted by the CLIQUE to inculcate them by day and by night, and not only to state them to Ministers, but to spread them in every circle in this town. It is greatly to be lamented for the public good (for Lord Fitzwilliam is far out of the reach of obloquy, and so are you), that no confidential and well-instructed person was sent hither to counteract, in their very beginning, the representations of THIS DETESTABLE BUT TOO WELL CONCERTED CABAL. I am vexed too, that when Windham, who (whether right or wrong in some of the matter of dispute I care not) did everything that man could do to heal the breach, had written to Lord Fitzwilliam, his answer had been so very cold and repulsive. I know personally, that if there is an irreparable breach, it is no fault of his; he brought me the first news of it, and consulted me on the means of a remedy. There never was a more exalted mind than that of Lord Fitzwilliam,-exalted are irritable minds. Prostrate me as a suppliant at his feet, and beseech him to abate his just feelings, in which I most completely sympathise with him. If he be not gone, implore him to stay. Time itself is a mighty healer where passions are concernedtempus inane peto, requiem. I send you a copy of a letter which I had back from Mr. Elliot to-day, which I wrote to him hastily, under the impression of my first feelings: it is the brief infinitely enlarged, from whence, together with your letter, I spoke when I came to town. I had a share in the coalition (in the disposition to it, not in the arrangement). I had a share (with you, and under you) in keeping it together, when it was likely to break to pieces, undone as I am in mind and body. Please God, whilst one link hangs to another, I will not be untrue to you. In my judgment, the monarchy is as much obliged to you at least, as to any subject the King has, and as long as I think the monarchy the stable support of our lives, our liberties, and our properties, so long shall I honour and love you; and will directly and straightforward obey you in any task you shall impose upon me. I 204 MR. BURKE TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. VII. know not how it was, but your letter was a long time on its road hither I suppose the post-office of Dublin is not very faithful; if it be, it has belied the old opinion entertained of it; but for my own part, I am little afraid of it, except in suppressing the letters. Have you got one from me, written since I came to London? I have no doubt the Catholic business will be done. I have already told you, that, so far as I could discover, the substance of the thing was not much disrelished by Government; but the great ground of certainty is, that every rational creature MUST be convinced that it must be done. What the Irish clique propose, is some credit here, for opposing a measure which might seem to endanger the Church, and then to have the credit with the nation at large of granting it; and from both these contradictory operations, to derive security to their own jobbish power: this is the first and the last in the piece. The Catholic question is a mere pretence. Pray get an account of all the debates in which the clique resisted your motions, then stole them from you, and brought them out in a new shape, all their speeches in both houses on the Catholic business in the two sessions; and pray get the full report and all the evidence about the Charter schools, and send it to me. Remember me to Mr. Hardy; I will answer his two last letters to-morrow. I have received all of them. The proceedings, as regarded Lord Fitzwilliam, may be terminated here. On his arrival in London, he brought the subject of his recall before the House of Lords, complaining of the treatment he had received, and demanding an enquiry. The minister declined the offer; on which the Duke of Norfolk moved on the 8th of May for all copies of correspondence between the Government and the late Lord-lieutenant. The question was debated with much zeal by Lords Fitzwilliam,* Moira, * In the letters of Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlisle, the words "imputed malversations," were attributed to Mr. Beresford. The latter sent Mr. Montgomery to Lord Fitzwilliam to demand an explanation. Lord Fitzwilliam declined to give any. Accordingly a message was delivered. Lord Townsend was to have been second to Mr. Beresford; |