CHAP. VII.] MR. PITT'S TREACHERY. 195 after this, the Duke of Portland assisted at the Cabinet meeting of the 19th of March, where it was unanimously determined to recall Lord Fitzwilliam "as a measure necessary for the preservation of the empire!" The truth was, that the dismissal of the Beresford party was the real cause of Lord Fitzwilliam's removal.* That "clique," as Mr. Burke called them, whose influence in the Government of Ireland had been paramount and excessive, afraid of losing power, proceeded to London,-misrepresented the state of Ireland,-exerted every effort against Lord Fitzwilliam,-reported to the King that the concession of the Catholic question would injure the Protestant religion,-worked successfully upon his fears, and infused into his breast the worst prejudices against his Irish subjects. In fact, religion had nothing to say to the question,-it was a mere pretence. The cry that the church was in danger, was an after-thought, and was found a convenient and apt means to serve the purposes of a party, and restore a fallen faction. The intrigues of the Beresfords succeeded. Mr. Pitt abandoned his principles, his promises, and his professions. He first deceived, then recalled Lord Fitzwilliam, and committed the basest breach of public faith that had occurred since the days of Lord Strafford, and not very dissimilar from it. By so doing he gave the country over to the United Irishmen, and prepared the way for the Insurrection and the Union. His measures were fatal for British character, and the Irish people henceforth lost all confidence in the British Govern ment. Such is the history of Mr. Pitt's conduct to * Mr. Gifford, in his life of Pitt, says Lord Fitzwilliam immediately removed Lord Fitzgibbon from the office of Lord Chancellor.-He is wholly mistaken; no removal took place, and Mr. Gifford here again shows his want of information, and his mis-statements as to Irish affairs. 196 Mr. Forbes to SERGEANT ADAIR. [CHAP. VII. wards Ireland, one that Mr. Grattan never ceased to deplore, and respecting which he never entertained a second opinion. The letters here subjoined throw additional light on these transactions. The one from Mr. Forbes contains a passage singularly prophetic. Lord Loughborough's statement discloses the case as to Mr. Beresford; and those from Mr. Burke, and from (that noble and honourable-minded man) Lord Fitzwilliam, will be read with interest and emotion. Pity that such generous sentiments should have been disregarded!-Pity that a brave and virtuous people should have been so maltreated! MR. FORBES TO MR. SERGEANT ADAIR. Dublin, Feb. 25, 1795. DEAR ADAIR,-This will be delivered to you by Mr. M'Can, a very confidential agent of our party for many years, and a particular friend of Grattan's and mine. He can afford you much information; he goes over to obtain, on the recommendation of the Lord-lieutenant, the situation of the printer of the Gazette.* You will oblige us much by urging Baldwin and King, the under secretaries, to dispatch through their office the king's letter for M'Can; have the goodness to give Mr. M'Can an order for admission to the House of Commons at times. As you conjectured, the administration of our friend is rather embarrassing. I fear that Pitt does not act fair by him, and that our friends in your cabinet do not support their friends here with vigour. Certain persons are not accustomed to business, which causes much hesitation and diffidence in almost every subject. What is to be done on the subject of the war? Wonderful feebleness in Great Britain! We expect the French here next summer, yet are not prepared. Rest assured that a descent of a few thousand Frenchmen in this kingdom will prove a most disastrous *He did not get the place; but some months after was appointed to the laborious office of tide-waiter at the Custom-house, and in 1806, the place was given, under the Duke of Bedford's administration, to a foe. The policy of rewarding enemies has ever proved fatal to the Whig party. CHAP. VII.] LD. LOUGHBOROUGH TO MR. GRATTAN. 197 event. Remember me to Mr. Adair, Lady Wilson, and your son, and believe me, dear Adair, yours very sincerely, J. FORBES. P.S.-I open this letter to mention to you the necessity of the English Government acceding to the proposition from the Irish cabinet relative to the complete emancipation of the Irish Catholics. It is reported that Pitt intends to overturn the Irish cabinet by rejecting Catholic claims. Should he pursue that line, England will be involved in inextricable confusion, AND IT WILL END IN THE TOTAL ALIENATION OF IRELAND!!! LORD LOUGHBOROUGH TO MR. GRATTAN. 28th Feb. 1795. MY DEAR SIR,-I received your letter only yesterday, which seems later than, by the date of the 17th, it might have reached me. No press of business could prevent me taking the earliest opportunity of answering it, both from the motive of the strongest regard towards you, and the importance of the matter. From the time that I was fortunate enough, with your very powerful assistance, to bring our friends to meet together on the very clear explanation, settled between us, and Mr. Burke, I never attended any of the conversations on the detail of business, but I had the satisfaction to think, from the appearance of confidence re-established, which I had frequent opportunities of remarking, that nothing was left unexplained and unsettled at the time of the Lord-lieutenant's departure. I have since been obliged to hear, with great regret, many things which make me doubt whether the particular discussion had been as ample as I hoped. The first account I had of the particular subject of your letter, was from a friend of Mr. Beresford. The manner in which he represented that business to have passed was this:--That Mr. B., without any previous communication to himself, or any of his friends, received an abrupt message to inform him that he was to be removed, because the power of himself and his family was so great as to be formidable to the Lord-lieutenant; that he should be allowed, however, to retain a pension to the amount of his salary, and. his friends to keep their places; that this message was followed by a letter of dismission from Lord Milton, without the least reference to any arrangement, or concert with the minister on whom his office immediately depended, and from whom he felt himself entitled to claim protection. 198 LD. LOUGHBOROUGH TO MR. GRATTAN. [CH. VII. The same information added that Mr. B. was not in the least disposed to struggle for the continuance of his office; and had he been treated with a little more consideration, would not have given, nor was he now inclined to give, any obstruction to a fair arrangement. The latter part of this representation I have reason to believe perfectly true; the first part, of which I have only traced the outline, without the colouring by which it was heightened, staggers my faith, because it is very unlike the habit of Lord Fitzwilliam's mind, who could not wish to insult a man whose power he only meant to lessen, and so very inconsistent with the tenor of that note of our conversation to which I have alluded. To remove, without a previous concert of the terms and mode of the removal, a person in high office, would not have expressed that attention to Mr. Pitt's situation, which is so plainly acknowledged; and supposing him merely the first commissioner of the treasury, without the influence usually attached to that office, to have dismissed an officer in his department, by a letter from the Lord-lieutenant's secretary, would not have been agreeable to that respect which ministers owe to each other. The Administration here (in which there has not discovered itself the least appearance of Schism) is not, I am persuaded, in any part of it disposed to support discontent in Ireland, or lend an ear to complaints of supposed grievances; but they must support the general order of Government, and I think they will be unanimous in that object; wishing at the same time ardently every fair accommodation, and deprecating every hasty measure, they do not expect that your friends should (because they do not think they ought) support any family Government that could be created or restored in Ireland. It is necessary, however, for the mutual credit of both Administrations (especially under the pressure of such difficulties as affect all equally) to proceed “suaviter in modo," and with great attention to the character of each for steady, just, and temperate measures. Depend upon it, that no personal considerations can continue to divide us, if they are not urged on by an hasty and overbearing spirit. If any candid person had come over from your side, he might have settled all this matter, and I hope still may. We know and highly prize the value of your support, which shewed itself so greatly in the last session; we also feel the high duty that the pub CHAP. VII.] MR. BURKE'S SENTIMENTS. 199 lic danger imposes on all men, to act on large principles, disregarding the play of private interest or of prejudice. But you must allow us a fair scope, both for deliberation and action, otherwise we should not deserve your esteem, nor with it that friendship which I hope and trust will ever remain most entire between you and, my dear sir, Yours most faithfully, LOUGHBOROUGH. EDMUND BURKE TO MR. GRATTAN. Tuesday, March 3rd, 1795. MY DEAR SIR,-Though I have heard much of you, until this day, I have heard nothing at all from you since you left us at Beaconsfield, after the consolatory day which you and Mrs. Grattan were pleased to bestow upon us, in our house of mourning. For my part, I did not choose to interrupt you in the course of the glorious, and ever memorable services you were rendering to the Crown, to your country, to the British empire, and to the contracted remains of the Christian world. I had at length, however, I know not how properly, resolved to break silence. In truth, I feel as much joy as my poor broken heart is capable of receiving, from the manner in which the Irish session has opened. I could not help contrasting it with the appearances here. Opposition to the Crown, with you, was not only weakened, but extinguished. The degenerate, or the treacherous cry of peace with France, which was the subject of so many repeated, and powerfully supported motions here, with you was not heard in either House of Parliament. The petitions so much intrigued with us, and in many places with success, did not dare to crawl out from any hole or corner of Ireland. Whilst so many in England were rushing into the arms of France, Ireland resolved to live and die with Great Britain. To crown all, more troops were raised, and greater sums were voted to the King's service than before was ever known; it was in the hope of this I wished, and, as you know, laboured, according to my poor measure, that such a union in all parts of administration might take place, as should put it in your power to do these services; and really thought everything was settled. The effect far exceeded my expectations. I am sure that the peace cry was stopped here, by its being stopped in Ireland. Guess at my shame and humiliation, when I find myself the innocent means of putting you in danger of losing the whole of the importance by which you were |