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CHAP. V.]

VOLUNTEERS DISPersed.

135

meeting of delegates from several of the Dublin Volunteer corps. He said that, from those resolutions, those corps came within the description and meaning of the proclamation. Information had been received that the Goldsmiths' corps intended to parade, and appear in arms. Directions were given to a magistrate to caution them against it, but there was no intention to call out the military in aid of the magistrate, except in case of necessity. He accounted for the proclamation not having been laid earlier before Parliament, and said it was a matter of great satisfaction to find that the conduct of the administration, in this business, had met with the approbation of the other side of the house.

Mr. Grattan spoke for the Volunteers as follows:

"I approve of the proclamation, as much as I condemn the use which the minister now attempts to make of it. The proclamation arraigned a certain body of men, whom it describes to be an association assuming devices and emblems of disaffection. The minister applies that to the Volunteers of the city and the county, under that colour proposes to disperse them; and in order to justify that project, he produces a formal charge. That charge is confined to two heads: first, a summons purporting to be that of the corps of Goldsmiths, reciting that the delegates of the corps were to assemble to celebrate the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick, and the French victory in the Low Countries, and inviting the Goldsmiths' corps to attend. I do not ask how far it was perfectly discreet to celebrate such an event, particularly if we consider the consequences to which such an event might possibly lead; but I ask, was it a ground for dismissing the Volunteers? Do ministers mean to say, that they will disperse all the Volunteers of Ireland who celebrate the French victories in Brabant?

"He has read a long address from a society called the United Irishmen, inviting the people of Ireland to assemble in a national convention, and containing an abundance of other matter, and he then produces a succession

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136

ARMS AND GUNPOWDER BILL.

[CHAP. V.

of resolutions from some of the corps of Dublin, one of which resolutions returns thanks to the society of United Irishmen. Without giving any kind of approbation to the matter of that address, I must say, that I think a minister would be highly indiscreet and presumptuous who should say, that the Volunteers had by those thanks brought themselves within the description of the proclamation, or that they were guilty of assuming emblems and devices of disaffection, as little should I think him justified in dispersing them merely on account of those thanks.

"I therefore desire, in giving my approbation to the proclamation, to be distinctly understood. I approve of it, because it did propose to disperse the National Guard, and because it did not propose to disperse the Volunteers."

It was on this occasion that Lord Edward Fitzgerald rose, and in a very vehement tone, exclaimed, "I give my hearty disapprobation to that address; for I do think the Lord-lieutenant and the majority of this House the worst subjects His Majesty has." This excited great confusion; the House was cleared; he was called on to explain himself. His explanation was held unsatisfactory and insufficient. He was ordered to attend at the bar the ensuing day, when an explanation rather more ample was at length accepted.

Government proceeded now to adopt active measures. They proposed an Arms and Gunpowder Bill,* to prevent individuals from importing arms or gunpowder without license, or remove them from one part of the kingdom to another, or keep more than four pounds of powder or any cannon or ordinance without a licence from the Lord-lieutenant. It enabled any justice of the peace to enter and search any house or person on suspicion that arms or gunpowder were

* Mr. Moore, in the Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, stated that Mr. Grattan faintly (if at all) opposed this bill. On the contrary, Mr. Grattan not only opposed it, but gave notice of a motion to prevent its execution.

CHAP. V.] SIR S. BUTLER AND BOND IMPRISONED. 137

kept there.

This bill was the commencement of that code of laws which has lasted to the present day, and which is not to be found upon the statute-book of England or of any other country. By means of this law, and the proclamation already alluded to, Government disarmed and suppressed the Volunteers; they sent the military to seize the field-pieces of several corps within three days after the bill had received the Royal Assent; they seized the artillery of the Liberty corps; they made a private arrangement by which they got possession of that belonging to the Merchants' corps; they induced the Lawyers' corps to give up possession of theirs, first making a public procession before they were surrendered. In the north, however, some of the corps are said to have been less compliant, and buried their cannon rather than surrender them.*

The House of Lords showed no unwillingness to assist the objects of Government; and on the 1st of March the society of United Irishmen, having published some remarks on the Committee of the House of Lords, the latter summoned before them the individuals whose names appeared to the document, the Hon. Simon Butler, (who had become remarkable for his opinion given in favour of holding the Catholic convention,) and Oliver Bond. They were brought to the bar; and for an alleged breach of privilege, (as stated in the resolution,) in questioning the authority of the high court of Parliament, and tending thereby to a breach of the peace, they were fined

The police seized one of the Dublin Rangers as he was marching with his corps. This was resented by his comrade, who struck the inspector with his firelock. Immediately a party of cavalry and infantry were dispatched from the Castle; they followed the Volunteers; but by the prudence and forbearance of the latter, the collision was avoided. The Government then seized all the fire-arms that could be found.

138

CONVENTION ACT, 1793. [CHAP. V.

5007. each, and sent to prison, where they remained for a period of six months. This severe proceeding, however, only served to exasperate the people; and on their liberation from prison, on the 16th of August, they were hailed by the addresses of their fellow-citizens.

Another individual, Doctor Reynolds, whom the Committee examined, and who refused to answer some questions which had been proposed to him, was also committed to gaol for a breach of privilege.

In the north, the disturbances were not confined to the proceedings of the Defenders. In the first week of March, a party of the 17th Dragoons came into Belfast with drawn sabres, and cut down the signs of Mirabeau, Dumourier, Franklin, and Washington; insulted and wounded several of the inhabitants, and broke the windows of their houses. One man, who was a chief sufferer, shewed a sturdy spirit on the occasion ; and when the riot was over, put up a new sign, with the words underneath, "M'Cabe, an Irish slave."

Government now brought in a bill to raise 16,000 militia; they increased the regular army from 12,000 to 17,000 men; and as a counterpoise to their measures of concession, and to nullify, as it were, their liberality to the Catholics, they introduced the Convention Act,-the climax of all their strong measures, and one that was evidently intended to put a stop to all popular exertions throughout Ireland. It prohibited the election or appointment of conventions or other lawful assembles, under pretence of preparing petitions to the King or Parliament. Its real object was to prevent the Reform, and stigmatize the Catholic Convention. The pretences for passing it were the Defenders, the United Irishmen,

CHAP. V.] MR. GRATTAN OPPOSES IT.

139

and a supposed Convention that was to assemble in Athlone in favour of Reform. The latter, however, had been abandoned, and the bill would have no operation upon the two others. It originated in the Upper House, and was brought in by Lord Clare on the 8th of July. It passed there in the short space of four days, opposed only by three Lords-Leinster, Charlemont, and Arran and on the 13th it was sent to the Commons. The Opposition in vain opposed the measure-Ponsonby, Curran, Hardy, Duquery, Doyle, and Brown.

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Mr. Grattan characterized the bill as it deserved; he pronounced it to be an "anti-whig and anti-constitutional measure, and the boldest step that ever yet was made to introduce a military government. If this bill had been the law of the land, four great events could never have taken place-the independency of the Irish Parliament; the emancipation of the Irish Catholics; the revolution in Great Britain; and the great event that flowed from it the succession of the Hanoverian family." He moved that the bill be read on the 29th of September; the motion was lost by 27 to 128. Major Wesley (Duke of Wellington) was teller for the bill. Mr. Grattan strove to limit its duration to one year. He said, that as he had been against the excesses of some of the people, which shook the principles of Government, so now he was against excess on the other side, which shook the principles of liberty. He considered the bill to be a compound of dislike to the people in general, and the Catholics in particular. This effort proved fruitless, and the bill passed without any amendment.*

* In 1812 this Act was called into operation against the Roman Catholics, and threw the whole country into law, confusion, and discon

tent.

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