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130

DEATH OF LOUIS XVI.

[CHAP. V. of the Irish,-Wolfe Tone, Hamilton Rowan, Napper Tandy: scarcely any others were affected by it. The French Convention, too, were willing to withdraw it, and had directed their agent Monsieur Chauvelin, to disavow all hostile intentions on the part of France, and to state how averse they were to the idea of a war with England.

The apprehensions of men, however, were not tranquillized when so dangerous a doctrine was propagated, a doctrine so inconsistent with the peace, the security, and the faith of nations. But affairs were now on the brink of a rupture.

In November of the same year, the Executive Council determined to open the river Scheld, the exclusive navigation of which had been secured to Holland by several treaties, guaranteed too by France, and by a treaty of alliance entered into in 1788 between Great Britain and Holland, which bound them to assist each other in case the territories of either were attacked. This was made the ground for war by Mr. Pitt.

The

At last the concluding scene was acted. King and royal family of France, who had been taken prisoners on the 3d of August, 1792, and confined in the Temple, were brought to trial. On the 21st January, 1793, the King was executed, 366 voting for his death, 319 for his detention,not one for his acquittal!!! On the 28th Chauvelin was ordered to leave London; and on the 1st of February war was declared by France against England; an event that proved the death-blow to the hopes and the happiness of Ireland.

The disturbances which had taken place in Ireland immediately prior to 1793 were confined almost entirely to the north. They were local in their nature, and could easily have been suppressed by the civil power if it had been properly directed. The Defenders were Roman Catholics.

CHAP. V.]

THE DEFENDERS.

131.

The name of the association denotes its origin : they assembled in order to protect themselves against the depredations and excesses of the Protestant party, called "Peep o'day boys," who broke open the houses of the Catholics, attacked their persons, and destroyed their property. The difficulty of obtaining justice against the aggressors, compelled the peasantry of one party to enter into protective combinations, which, however, soon exceeded all ordinary limits, objects, and moderation.

The agitation of the Catholic question during the years 1790 and 1791, and the conduct of government, had excited the prejudices and passions of the predominant party. The supineness, and perhaps indifference, of the magistrates had also increased the evil; and if an opinion is to be formed from the resolutions commonly called the "Gosford Resolutions," that were adopted in 1796 by Lord Gosford, and a meeting of magistrates, and which stated the cause of the disorders; great blame was to be attached to the local authorities.

In consequence of these disturbances, on the 11th of February, 1793, the subject was brought before the House of Lords. Lord Clonmel stated that several of the disturbers of the peace were emissaries of the French. Lord Farnham complained that money had been collected at the Roman Catholic chapels, the application of which ought to be inquired into. Accordingly, a secret committee was appointed, consisting of the Chancellor and eight Lords. On the 7th of March they made their report, which stated, that the Defenders were Roman Catholics, who were impressed with the idea, that they could assist the Catholic cause. That they complained of hearthmoney, tithes, county taxes, and high rents; they appeared in Louth in April 1792; then spread to

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CATHOLICS CLEARED OF

[CHAP. V. Meath, Cavan, and Monaghan; and (as if with a view to connect the Catholic Committee with these disturbances) they stated that money was collected at Catholic chapels by order of the subcommittee, who had also directed inquiries to be made respecting the offences with which the Defenders were charged, and had employed counsel to act for them at the assizes. The report complained of the inactivity of the magistrates, and the great circulation of seditious papers and pamphlets in the north, tending to defame the Government and Parliament. It stated that a body of men had associated themselves in Dublin under the title of "First National Battalion,” and that their uniform was copied from the French green turned up with white. On their buttons was a harp, surmounted by a cap of liberty without the crown. That bodies of men in the north of Ireland were trained to the use of arms, and purchases were made of arms and ammunition. report concluded by declaring that it was incompatible with the safety of the kingdom, or with public tranquillity, to permit armed bodies of men to assemble without any legal authority, or to permit a self-created representative body to exist, collecting money and levying subscriptions.

The

This report was clearly directed against the Volunteers and the Roman Catholics; though the latter were not directly charged as being implicated, yet they were mentioned in the report in such a manner that they naturally supposed the intention of the Lords was to implicate them. Lord Portarlington, however, who was a member of the Committee, declared that there was no proof that they had any connexion whatever with the disturbances; and certainly, if any opinion is to be formed from the measures they took, and the declarations they made, the very reverse of

CHAP. V.]

THE CHARGES AGAINST THEM.

133

connexion with Defenderism was the fact; for in July 1792, the Catholic Committee had drawn up an address to their brethren of the north, calling upon them no longer to assemble in armed bodies, but to trust to the exertion of their friends, and give up all tumultuous meetings.* Again in

*At a Meeting of the sub-Committee of the Catholics of Ireland, January 2, 1793, Denis Thomas O'Brien, Esq., in the Chair.

The following address to the Catholics of Ireland was agreed to, and ordered to be published ::

The sub-committee appointed by the general committee of the Catholics of Ireland, to transact such business as may be necessary during the adjournment of the latter, feel it their indispensable duty to warn the body at large, against any attempts of pretended friends or declared enemies to mislead them, to drive them into a violence derogatory to their unspotted character of loyalty and obedience to the laws, or subversive of the unanimity which ought to subsist amongst every description of Irishmen.

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The Committee are grieved to hear of the success of designing men, in agitating the minds of the lower order of their persuasion in a part of this country, and filling them with apprehensions of danger from their Protestant brethren, a circumstance which has prompted these unhappy men to arm and stand on their defence. They would wish to impress upon their mind, in indelible characters, that it is the most ardent desire, and the object nearest the heart of every individual in the general and sub-committees, that all animosity between Protestants and Catholics should cease, and lie buried in the graves of their ancestors: that inhabiting one common country, and adoring the same God, the united charities of religion and country may melt us down as one people, and for ever establish a reciprocity of interests and a community of rights.

The Committee trust that the Catholics of Ireland never will, nor ever can forget their obligations to their Protestant brethren, who have stood forward as their advocates and protectors. Should any of their persuasion have well-grounded cause to fear for their lives or liberties, it is their duty to state it, and solicit the protection of Government. Should they request the sub-committee to state their situation, the sub-committees will not be wanting. But they earnestly recommend to the Catholics in general, the continuation of that dutiful and exemplary conduct, which, under circumstances of unprecedented hardship, has for a century made them the admiration of all, who can do justice to and feel for the adversities and virtues of mankind. The world will now see their conduct, and unquestionably their King and country will reward it: for he is a just and gracious King, and Protestants must at least see, that nothing but union at home-a union arising from equal law, and equal liberty, can guard the island from domestic or foreign foes. In this sanguine and well-founded hope, the Committee conjure their Catholic brethren to rest upon their arms, the only arms the hostility of the law cannot take away, the arms of reason and justice; and patiently wait the decision of their fate,—the fate of three millions of aggrieved and loyal subjects. Signed by order, JOHN SWEETMAN, Sec.

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PROCLAMATION BY GOVERNMENT. [CHAP. V.

January, 1793, they had passed resolutions highly to their credit, and lastly in April of the same year, they published a vindication of their conduct, in reply to the imputations charged against them, as being connected with the Defenders, or levying money for improper purposes. They stated that the expenses of the Catholic Convention had been very great; (one of the secretaries, Mr. Burke, had got upwards of 2,000l. and Mr.Tone, the other secretary, shortly after received 1,500/. for his services ;) so far they cleared themselves of the charge.

Government now proceeded against the Volunteers, and effected the dispersion of the few who remained. In consequence of the imprudence of some of the corps, as alluded to in Mr. Grattan's letter,* and also in the report of the Lords, Government had issued a proclamation in December 1792, directing them to abstain from assembling. This proclamation was taken into consideration by the House of Commons in January 1793, when it was proposed that an address of thanks be presented to the Lord-lieutenant for the proclamation which he had issued, and for the vigilance and attention which he had manifested to preserve the public tranquillity; that they applauded his wisdom in separating those who so laudably associated for the purpose of defending their country from foreign invasion, as well as to preserve domestic tranquillity, from those whose declared objects are tumult, disaffection, and sedition, and to assure him that they would concur in such measures as would carry the proclamation into effect."

Mr. Secretary Hobart read a summons from the Goldsmiths' corps; also the address from the Society of United Irishmen to the Volunteers of Ireland, and the resolutions entered into at a

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