CHAP. IV.] LORD LOUGHBOROUGH. 105 the aristocracy of England." The individual who succeeded Lord Thurlow as Chancellor, had performed various parts in politics. He had been counsel in 1774 against Dr. Franklin, who had been summoned before the Privy Council as agent to the Province of Massachusetts, from whence a petition had been forwarded for the removal of the Governor and Lieut.-Governor, in consequence of their letters advising that the liberties of the Americans should be restrained, that penalties should be imposed on them, and that their charters should be altered. Doctor Franklin having procured these letters, gave them to be published, and hence arose great indignation at the disclosure, and at the mode by which they were said to have been obtained. On this, Lord Loughborough (then Mr. Wedderburne) inveighed against Franklin in the most violent and unmeasured terms, accusing him of robbery and forgery, and applying to him these words,-"I forged the letter -I hated-I despised-and I destroy. But what poetic fiction only had penned for the breast of a cruel African, Doctor Franklin has realized and transcribed from his own." Altogether it was said to have been one of the most singular speeches ever delivered in any court of justice. His feelings with regard to Ireland were of a nature similar to those with regard to America; and it was singular that a man brought up under a free constitution, and enjoying its benefits, should have profited so little by its precepts, or prized so little its acquisition, as to have, in toto, opposed its extension to the people of Ireland. For, singular to say, he was the only man in the House of Lords who, in 1782, opposed the rights of Ireland upon principle; and when the Bill for the repeal of the 6th Geo. Ist was brought in, he stood up singly to oppose it, saying that it ought not to be a total 106 ANECDOTE of lord lougH BOROUGH. [CHAP. IV. repeal, nor an unqualified repeal; that Poyning's law should still be kept in force; nor could he conceive that the Perpetual Mutiny Bill was a grievance of which the Irish should complain!! It may be well supposed that such principles were not great recommendations in the mind of Mr. Grattan; but the latter knew his character, and that he could change his opinions as suited his purpose, and assume or lay them down, just as served his interest or his ambition. He was a very agreeable man, an excellent scholar, fond of literature and of polite society. In address he was affable, and in manner polished, and even elegant; but he was unsafe in council, rash in his advice, and versatile in his politics. He had a hot head, and would do mischief rather than do nothing; he seemed almost to be fond of it, and by his advice had brought Mr. Fox into a difficulty as to the Regency. He now proposed a plan as regarded the Catholics, somewhat similar to that which had been attempted in 1782-namely, the delay of the question, and a cabinet negotiation; the consequence of which would have been inextricable confusion. He accordingly wrote to Mr. Grattan, with whom he had a previous acquaintance, suggesting an adjournment of the House, * An anecdote regarding this individual, afforded much amusement to Mr. Grattan's friends, and among others, to the late Lord Holland (that excellent personage,-so noble so generous, so high minded, so universally respected and beloved.) Lord Loughborough prided himself on the correctness of his language and his polished style in speaking. It was said that he used to study, not only the arts of rhetoric, but the attitudes likewise. On one occasion, being in company with Mr. Grattan, he was conversing about the Irish Parliament and the oratory of the Irish people. He alluded to Mr. Grattan's attack on Mr. Flood. "That figure of yours, Mr. Grattan, exceeded all license; hovering like an ill-omened bird of night;' the whole of that was very extraordinary, very severe indeed." The company were amused by the earnestness of Lord Loughborough's manner, as well as by the nature of his remark. He, however, persevered, "that was a very extraordinary sentence- very severe-very cutting!" Mr. Grattan looked surprised, and those present were puzzled to know how he -- CHAP. IV.] HIS LETTER ON THE CATHOLICS. 107 and obscurely intimating some project, which in fact was nothing but an incipient union. Mr. Grattan did not enter into these views; and though his letters to Lord Loughborough are not to be found, it is clear from his former, as well as his subsequent conduct, that such a proposition could meet with little encouragement from him. He was not induced to go to London on his suggestion, but thought it a wiser course to press the question forward as speedily as possible, and reconcile, as far as lay in his power, the various opposing and discordant parties in the state. LORD LOUGHBOROUGH TO MR. GRATTAN. 30th January, 1793. MY DEAR SIR,-I must borrow my Secretary's pen for a moment, though I am not sure it will be for the advantage of the request I have to state to you; but as I do not write only from myself, I have no right to delegate that trust which is committed to me, according to an old legal maxim. Your presence here, at this most important crisis, is most anxiously wished by all those, who, I firmly believe, have nothing more at heart than the mutual prosperity, entire confidence, and perfect tranquillity of both our countries. No prejudice of any kind can exist which should obstruct such objects. Your opinions, I think, I partly know; your principles, I am sure I do; and both, I believe, have no other tendency than the public welfare. I can add, that I am persuaded the same ideas are entertained of them by those to whom (I hope on just grounds, and on full explanations) I have given my confidence. If there could be by adjournment, a cessation of active measures; if in that interval all irregular modes of discussion could be prevented or frustrated, and it should be employed in a fair and candid discussion of the several points which seem necessary to settle the situation of Ireland in a just conformity to that of England, and with a due share of the general fortune of the whole empire, prosperous or adverse, by would extricate himself; when, bowing very civilly to Lord Loughborough, he simply replied in his own words, "Very cutting, indeed, my lord." Lord Loughborough felt the allusion. 108 LORD LOUGHBOROUGH'S LETTERS [CHAP. IV. an adequate communication of interests, I am perfectly assured your satisfaction in such a result would be equal to mine; and I may, in confidence of your good opinion, venture to assert to you, that the hope of such a conclusion of the present untoward circumstances, was a chief inducement to me to engage in the arduous task I have undertaken. I under-rate the importance of the object when I state it, as only regarding the two islands we belong to. The peace of mankind may finally depend upon it. I flatter myself, then, you will not resist my invitation; I make it as one who wishes to be ranked amongst your friends, for respect and esteem for your virtues. I should be warranted to state it to you, in a character that I have not long possessed, without the least dread of being disavowed; but I put in a higher claim to your confidence by writing to you, in the assurance of our respective intentions not being misunderstood by either; and, leaving it to your own judgment to take my communications either as merely private, or as in some degree appertaining to my public duty, as you think most expedient in respect to the measures you may be obliged to hold with others, my wish would be on my own account, that the knowledge might rest between ourselves and the two Secretaries,* to one of whom I beg particularly to express my best respects, and I leave the rest to the other to say, I am, with great regard, dear Sir, your most sincerely, LOUGHBOROUGH. LORD LOUGHBOROUGH TO MR. GRATTAN, 21st February, 1793. MY DEAR SIR,-I feel as I ought the confidence you repose in me, with respect to the difficulty that impedes your embracing the idea I had thrown out in my letter to you; and I shall, with equal frankness to yours, state to you the reasons which I think should remove them. Permit me, in the first place, to observe to you, that what I proposed was not properly a negotiation, which I understand to be a business of reconciling opposite, or at least, separate views and interests. There are not, as I conceive, two parties on the important subject, which a free communication I believe would effectually clear up; sure I am there are no opposite interests to be reconciled. Whatever is the real interest of Ireland must be the in *Hobart and Hutchinson. CHAP. IV.] UPON IREland. 109 terest of Great Britain on a just and liberal scheme of policy. We have marked with attention, and without jealousy, the progress of your improvement; we must be weak and short-sighted, indeed, not to observe that the Administration must be adapted to the change of situation, and must be founded on the firm basis of public confidence and esteem; that to be respected, it must be responsible, and cannot subsist by favour and protection from any external support. It has not appeared to me that any of the ideas which have gained the favour of respectable men in your country, are bad in their outline; but they will require great care, and much temper, in filling up that outline. If the enemies of all the measures which must come into discussion, were to be the coadjutors of the conference upon them, I should expect little benefit from it, but on the supposition (of which I am firmly persuaded) that of those who may attend it, several have the fairest desire to listen to every proposition, and to weigh every argument impartially. I do not think that any inconvenience could result even from the greatest opposition of opinions; which, however, I do not think would be the case; for I believe the various opinions that have been held in Ireland are not in truth so remote from each other as they appear to be from some personal and private dispositions to differ, or, perhaps from the habit of differing. As to the second part in your letter, I entirely agree with you that it is necessary all questions of such moment as now affect the public mind in Ireland, should receive a full discussion in Parliament; and it was by no means with a view to prevent that full discussion that I suggested the idea of a temporary cessation. My idea is plainly this; that at a convenient moment the usual business being advanced to a due point, an interval should take place by prorogation, for a very few weeks, under the idea of affording time to provide, and arrange the force you have very handsomely voted, and that by a direct intercourse here, advantage should be taken of that interval to discuss fairly a settlement of all questions, not for the moment only, but as far as our own views can reach, for the permanent connected establishment of Ireland, both internally, and relatively to England. Circumstances of less general import, and yet of great weight in removing obstacles, may in the mean time take place, which would * The militia were called out, and the regular army augmented. |