"it be the duke of Ormond that is out of favour "with your majesty, or your majesty with the "duke of Ormond? for of the two you seem the most out of countenance."

Shaftesbury and Buckingham bore an extreme hatred to Ormond, and he heard that his administration in Ireland was attacked in parliament, particularly by Shaftesbury, but he had the satisfaction to hear at the same time of the keen, though polite defence, made by his son, the generous Ossory. After confuting the reproaches made by this intriguing patriot against his father's administration, Ossory proceeded in these words: "Having spoken "of what the lord lieutenant has done, I presume, "with the same truth, to tell your lordships what "he has not done. He never advised the breaking of "the triple league; never advised the shutting up "of the exchequer, nor the declaration for a tolera❝tion, nor the falling out with the Dutch and the

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joining with France; he was not the author of that "most excellent position, Delenda est Carthago, that "Holland, a protestant country, should be, contrary "to the true interests of England, totally destroyed. "I beg your lordships will be so just as to judge of

my father, and all men, according to their actions "and their counsels." These sentences, pronounced by a plain gallant soldier, and being as many direct accusations against Shaftesbury, confoundedall his rhetoric.

Ossory died about this time; Ormond bore the loss with resignation and dignity, and ever retained a pleasing though melancholy sense of his merit; "I would not," said he, "exchange my dead son " for any living son in christendom."

Charles, though he had neither the temper nor the strength of mind essentially requisite in a despot, was, however, easily prompted to all acts of despotism, which, without great trouble, and particu

larly without applying to parliament, could procure him the money he always wanted, not only for his daily increasing prodigalities, but even for the regular support of government. Harassed with domestic faction, weary of calumnies and complaints, oppressed with debts, he wished and constantly tried, though with feeble efforts, to render his power absolute; and in this he was actuated neither by ambition or love of glory, but by the only hopes of being enabled to establish a form of government, more simple in its structure and more easy in its management. This design, which Charles had evidently adopted, necessarily implying the complete overthrow of the constitution, gives the key to all the mysteries which some historians have found so inexplicable in his conduct, particularly in his attachment to France. It is obvious, indeed, that he could not venture any step in execution of his plan, without previously securing a strong party at home, and powerful connections abroad, disposed to assist him with money, and military force if necessary. Now, as he could not expect that the protestants or presbyterians would join him in the undertaking, he had no other resource than to ingratiate himself with the catholics. Thence the favourable dispositions he always discovered towards them, not only with a view of inlisting them into his party, but as the surest way to obtain all the support he could want from Lewis XIV. whose zeal for the catholic religion was no less known than his partiality to absolute power. In fact, that powerful monarch completely approved of Charles's plan, encouraged him not to deviate from it, and engaged to second its execution by supplying him with large subsidies and military force, under certain conditions, which placed him towards France in a dependant situation, little becoming a king of Great Britain. How disgusting it is to see him bargaining privately and

separately with the kings of France and Spain, to make them pay with large sums of money his conversion to the catholic religion, and countenancing the corruption of his ministers and favourites, by being privy to the briberies which Sunderland, Lauderdale, Ashley Cooper, lord and lady Arlington, lady Shrewsbury, &c. repeatedly received from France. All these infamous transactions have been discovered by the original vouchers, preserved in the depot of the ministry at Versailles, and collected in Sir John Dalrymple's Appendix, vol. ii. from page 1 to 176. It appears also, by the publication of Barillon's letters, that the ancient rivalry between the French and the English nation, was naturally sharpened into animosity on the part of the latter, who could not without great resentment see their beloved constitution and liberty endangered by the profligacy of their own sovereign, and by arbitrary measures encouraged and supported by France.

From all these observations we may conclude, that if the fate of Charles I. and Lewis XVI. proved that many virtues, which are an ornament to the throne, are not always those which support it, the example of Charles II. equally proves, that a prince, destitute of all virtue, can never be a good king. We must, however, confess, that notwithstanding Charles's bad government, his reign, as Mr. Fox observed, "was the era of good laws. The abo "lition of the court of wards, the repeal of the "writ de heretico comburendo, the triennial parlia"ments' bill, the establishment of the rights of the "house of commons in regard to impeachments, " and, above all, the glorious statute of habeas "corpus, have made the year 1679 be considered "as the period at which the English constitution "attained its greatest theoretical perfection."(Hist. of the Early Part of the Reign of James II. p. 22.)

JAMES II. Twenty-seventh King from the Conquest.

[Second son of Charles I. brother and successor of Charles II.; born October 30, 1633; married Ann Hyde, chancellor Clarendon's daughter, September 3, 1660; lost his wife March 31, 1671; married the princess of Modena November 21, 1673; ascended the throne February 6, 1685; crowned April 23 following; left England, and retired to France, December 23, 1688; was succeeded by his daughter Mary and William III. her husband; died at St. Germain, in France, August 6, 1701.]

Ann. 1685.

James assembles the privy council, and declares his resolution to maintain the established government both in church and state. "I have been re"ported," said he, "to be a man for arbitrary "power; but that is not the only history that has "been made of me. I know that the laws of Eng" land are sufficient to make the king as great a "monarch as I can wish; and as I shall never. de66 part from the just rights and prerogatives of the crown, so I shall never invade any man's property. I have often heretofore ventured my life " in defence of this nation; and I shall go as far as any man in preserving it in all its just rights and "liberties." These assurances inspired the more confidence, that James was regarded as a man of great sincerity and strict adherence to his promises; "We have now," it was said, "the word of a

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king; and a word never yet broken." Addresses

came from all parts, full of duty, and even of the most servile adulation. The most remarkable by its simplicity and singularity was that of the quakers. "We are come," they said, " to testify our sor

row for the death of our good friend Charles, "and our joy for thy being made our governor. "We are told thou art not of the persuasion of the "church of England no more than we; wherefore

we hope thou wilt grant us the same liberty "which thou allowest thyself, which doing, we "wish thee all manner of happiness."

It was not long, however, before James shewed that his professions of attachment to laws were not so sincere as it was expected. The customs, and the greater part of the excise, had been granted to the late king during life, consequently the grant was now expired; but James issued a proclamation, ordering them to be paid as before. The king likewise went openly to mass with all the ensigns of his dignity. This step, which was deemed imprudent, was rather considered by him as a proper and necessary demonstration of his being neither afraid nor ashamed to display his persevering attachment to his own religion. It is pretended, however, that the Spanish ambassador, Ronquillo, who deemed the tranquillity of England necessary for the support of Spain, observing how busy the catholic priests were at court, advised the king not to assent with too great facility to their counsels. "Is it not the

"custom in Spain," said James," for the king to "consult with his confessor ?" "Yes," replied the ambassador," and it is for that very reason our af"fairs succeed so ill." He was in love at that time with Mrs. Sedley, who had a great influence over him; a connection little consonant with his ambition of converting the people to his religious persuasion but it was represented to him, that the regularity of his life ought better to correspond with