were brought in to the country originally under the authority of the parent government, whilst we were colonies, and their importation was continued, in spite of all the remonstrances of our ancestors. If the question were an original question, whether, there being no slaves in the country, we should introduce them, and incorporate them into our society, that would be a totally different question. Few, if any, of the citizens of the United States would be found to favor their introduction. No man in it would oppose, upon that supposition, their admission with more determined resolution and conscientious repugnance than I should. What is best to be done for their happiness and our own? In the slave states the alternative is, that the white man must govern the black, or the black govern the white. [Abolition Petitions].-Clay's

Speeches, Vol. II, pp. 357, 367.

The relations that existed between Clay and President Jackson are well set forth in the following extracts:

We are in the midst of a revolution, hitherto bloodless, but rapidly tending towards a total change of the pure republican character of the government, and to the concentration of all power in the hands of one man. The powers of congress are paralyzed, except when exerted in conformity with his will, by a frequent and an extraordinary exercise of the executive veto, not anticipated by the founders of our constitution, and not practised by any of the predecessors of the present chief magistrate. -[ On the removal of the deposits ].

The constitutional participation of the senate in the appointing power is virtually abolished by the constant use of the power of removal from office, without any known cause, and by the appointment of the same individual to the same office, after his rejection by the senate. .. The judiciary has not been exempt from the prevailing rage for innovation. Decisions of the tribunals, deliberately pronounced have been contemptuously disregarded. By the third of March, 1837, if the progress of the innovation continues, there will be scarcely a vestage of the government re

maining and its policy, as they existed prior to the third of March 1829. In a term of eight years, a little more than equal to that which was required to establish our liberties, the government will have been transformed into an elective monarchy-the worst of all forms of governments. [On the removal of

the deposits ].

* * * *

For more than fifteen years, Mr. President, I have been struggling to avoid the present state of things. I thought I perceived in some proceedings, during the conduct of the Seminole war, a spirit of defiance to the constitution and to the law. With what sincerity and truth, with what earnestness and devotion to civil liberty, I have struggled, the searcher of all human hearts best knows. With what fortune the bleeding constitution of my country fatally attests. [On the removal of the deposits].-Clay's Speeches, Vol. VI, pp. 145, 146, 164.

Clay supposed seemingly in 1842 when he delivered his Farewell Address to the Senate that he was leaving its halls forever. Instead he returned again in 1849, and made some of his most famous speeches in favor of the Compromise of 1850. Space, however, forbids any further extracts.

In retiring, as I am about to do, forever, from the senate, suffer me to express my heartfelt wishes that all the great and patriotic objects of the wise framers of our constitution may be fulfilled. That the high destiny designed for it may be fully answered; and that its deliberations, now and hereafter, may eventuate in s curing the prosperity of our beloved country, in maintaining its rights and honors abroad, and upholding its interests at home. I retire, I know, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. I wish I could take my leave of you under more favorable auspices; but, without meaning at this time to say whether on any or on whom reproaches for the sad condition of the country should fall, I appeal to the senate and to the world to bear testimony to my earnest and continued

exertions to avert it, and to the truth that no blame can justly attach to me. [Valedictory address to the senate].-Clay's Speeches, Vol. XI, p. 568.

QUESTIONS

1. What was the character of Clay's oratory? (2) Point out some of the reasons that gave him a strong hold on the people. (3) Do you see any traces of egotism? (4) From what class did Clay come? (5) How had the people of Kentucky treated him? (6) Could Clay bear criticism unaffectedly? (7) What question earliest aroused Clay's interest? (8) Outline the arguments he used in favor of protection. (9) What did he name the system? (10) Was the name he chose a good political stroke? (11) How did his arguments differ from those now used? (12) Were his arguments all logical? (13) Were they all consistent with each other?

(1) Trace Clay's position in regard to a national bank. (2) What theory of the Constitution in his first bank speech? (3) Compare it with the theory found in his speech on nullification.

(1) What position did Clay take in regard to acquisition of territory? (2) Would he now, judged by these speeches, be for or against annexation of Cuba, for example? (3) What were his feelings in regard to war? (4) Was he entirely consistent? (5) How did he feel in regard to the war of 1812? (6) Who decide on the constitutionality of laws? (7) What claim did Virginia make in regard to such a decision? (8) What view did Clay hold? (9) What names in history are the two views known by? (10) How did he argue on the South Carolina position?

(1) Show what Clay's feelings were toward Jackson. (2) Can you explain his bitter tone? (3) Have his predictions been in any way fulfilled? (4) May they yet be fulfilled?

(1) Was Clay a lover of popular liberty? (2) Bring together as many extracts to prove your answer as you can. (3) For what purpose does he say the colonization society was formed? (4) What did he assert was the character of the free negroes? (5) Why did he claim they ought to be sent back to Africa? (6) Are his two assertions consistent? (7) Why does he wish the free negroes removed? (8) Were his remarks in regard to the negroes consistent with his speech on Greek liberty? (9) Did Clay desire emancipation of the slaves?

(1) Judged by these extracts do you consider Clay a deep thinker or not? (2) Write a life of Clay from these extracts.

DANIEL WEBSTER

Member of

Born in New Hampshire, 1782. House of Representatives, 1813-1817, 1823-1827. Senator, 1827-1841, 1845-1850. Candidate for President, 1836. Secretary of state, 1841-1843, 1850-1852. Debate with Clay on tariff, 1824. Webster-Hayne debate, 1830. Webster-Calhoun debate, 1833. Great "Seventh of March" speech, 1850. Died, 1852.

CHAPTER IV

DANIEL WEBSTER

HE names of Clay and Webster are so intimately associated in American history

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that one name is rarely mentioned unless it is accompanied by the other. A third name is usually joined with theirs; in many ways. the antithesis of both. It is fitting, therefore, that this study, following the one on Clay should deal with Webster. It will be no less proper that Calhoun should come before us for our next study.

Webster was five years the junior of Clay. Born on a farm in New Hampshire, his early years were scarcely more favorable than Clay's. However, he had a father who was ready to sacrifice for him, so he was able to obtain a college education, graduating at Dartmouth in 1800 (?) the recognized leader in composition and public speaking of his class.

As in the case of Clay, the mass of material from which to select in his manhood years is so rich that its wealth overwhelms one when he attempts to choose. There are also quite a large number of youthful letters accessible, so it would be possible to let Webster tell the story of his own life from an early time; but as it could only be done by the omission of more interesting, or, at least, more important, matter from his public life, it has been thought best to incorporate but few extracts here.