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late so frequently and violently in culcated, that when war is once declared, all inquiry into its justice and expediency ought to cease, and all opposition to the men in power immediately to be abandoned, is essentially hostile to the vital principles of our republican institutions; and if adopted, would change our present government into one of the worst species of tyranny which the ingenuity of the foes of freedom has yet contrived, a government republican in its forms, in spirit and practice arbitrary and despotic, -that it must be obvious to the most, ordinary capacity, that were such a doctrine to prevail, an administration which by its corruption or imbecility had justly forfeited the confidence of the people would be tempted to plunge the nation into an unjust or unnecessary war, for the sole purpose of perpetuating their power, and thus building their own greatness on the ruins of their country.

Resolved, That without insisting on the injustice of the present war, taking solely into consideration the time and circumstances of its declaration, the condition of the country, and state of the public mind, we are constrained to consider, and feel it our duty to pronounce it a most rash, unwise, and inexpedient measure; the adoption of which ought for ever to deprive its authors of the esteem and confidence of an enlightened people because, as the injuries we have received from France, are at least equal in amount to those we have sustained from England, and have been attended with circumstances of still greater insult and aggravation-if war were necessary to vindicate the honour of

the country, consistency and impartiality required that both nations should have been included in the declaration. Because if it were deemed expedient to exercise our right of selecting our adversary, prudence and common sense dictated the choice of an enemy, from whose hostility we had nothing to dread. A war with France would equally have satisfied our insulted honour, and at the same time, instead of annihilating, would have revived and extended our commerce and even the evils of such a contest would have been mitigated by the sublime consolation, that by our efforts we were contributing to arrest the progress of despotism in Europe, and essentially serving the great interests of freedom and humanity throughout the world. Because a republican government, depending solely for its support on the wishes and affections of the people, ought never to declare a war, into which the great body of the nation are not prepared to enter with zeal and alacrity; as where the justice and necessity of the measure are not so apparent as to unite all parties in its support, its inevitable tendency is, to augment the dissentions that have before existed, and by exasperating party violence to its utmost height, prepare the way for civil war. Because, before a war was declared, it was perfectly well ascertained, that a vast majority of the people in the middle and northern states, by whom the burthen and expenses of the contest must be borne almost exclusively, were strongly opposed to the measure. Because we see no rational prospect of attaining, by force of arms, the ob

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jects for which our rulers say we are contending-and because the evils and distresses which the war must of necessity occasion, far overbalance any advantages we can expect to derive from it. Be cause the great power of England on the ocean, and the amazing resources she derives from commerce and navigation, render it evident, that we cannot compel her to respect our rights and satisfy our demands, otherwise than by a successful maritime warfare; the means of conducting which we not only do not possess, but our rulers have obstinately refused to provide. Because the exhausted state of the treasury, occasioned by the destruction of the revenue derived from commerce, should the war continue, will render necessary a resort to loans and taxes to a vast amount-measures by which the people will be greatly burthened, and oppressed, and the influence and patronage of the executive alarmingly increased. And, finally, because of a war begun with such means as our rulers had prepared, and conducted in the mode they seem resolved to pursue, we see no grounds to hope the honourable and successful termination.

Resolved, That while we condemn the war, in the most distinct and unqualified terms, we are deeply sensible of the new duties and obligations which the change of our national relations has imposed upon us, and are fully determined in our several capacities of magistrates,soldiers, and citizens, to obey with promptness and alacrity all constitutional requisitions of the proper authorities; seeking no other redress for the evils of which we complain, than that which we con

fidently trust will be obtained from a change of sentiment in the peo¬ ple, leading to a change of men and measures.

Resolved, That we view the creation of new states out of territories not within the ancient limits of the United States as inconsistent with the spirit of the federal compact, and calculated to destroy the weight, which the old, great, and populous states ought to have in the union, and utterly to disappoint and frustrate the great purpose for which they entered into the confederacy.

Resolved, That we consider the employment of the militia, for the purpose of offensive war, as a palpable violation of the constitution, as extremely offensive to the people, as the most expensive and the least efficient mode of conducting the war; and as a serious and alarming encroachment on the rights of the several states, which it behoves the true friends of our excellent institutions, by all lawful means, firmly to resist.

Whereas the late revocation of the British Orders in Council, has removed the great and ostensible cause of the present war, and prepared the way for an immediate accommodation of all existing dif ferences, inasmuch as, by the confession of the present secretary of state, satisfactory and honourable arrangements might easily be made, by which the abuses resulting from the impressment of our seamen, might, in future, be effectually prevented-Therefore,

Resolved, That we shall be constrained to consider the determination on the part of our rulers to continue the present war, after official notice of the revocation of

the

the British Orders in Council, as affording conclusive evidence, that the war has been undertaken from motives entirely distinct from those which have been hitherto avowed, and for the promotion of objects wholly unconnected with the interest and honour of the American nation.

Resolved, That we contemplate with abhorrence, even the possibility of an alliance with the present Emperor of France, every action of whose life has demonstrated, that the attainment, by any means, of universal empire, and the consequent extinction of every vestige of freedom, are the sole objects of his incessant, unbounded, and remorseless ambition. His arms, with the spirit of freemen, we might openly and fearlessly encounter; but, of his secret arts, his corrupting influence, we entertain a dread we can neither conquer nor conceal. It is there fore with the utmost distrust and alarm, that we regard his late pro fessions of attachment and love to the American people, fully recollecting, that his invariable course has been, by perfidious offers of protection, by deceitful professions of friendship, to lull his intended victims into the fatal sleep of confidence and security, during which, the chains of despotism are silently wound round and rivetted on them. Resolved, That we are firmly attached to the union of the States, most conscientiously believing, that on its preservation,the future peace, security, and independence, as well as power and grandeur of the American nation, must mainly depend; and we are therefore strengthened in our reprobation of the measures of our present rulers

from a consideration of their evident tendency to produce a dissolution of that union which we so warmly cherish.

Whereas in the opinion of this convention the dangers which seem to threaten the existence of the union have chiefly arisen from the prevalence of a course of policy, by which the interests of the commercial state, have been wantonly sacrificed to local prejudices and state jealousies: and whereas our minds are irresistibly impressed with the conviction that a change. of system is now demanded by the imperious law of self preservation : therefore resolved, that to effect a purpose so desirable, but so necessary, as a change of our present rulers, the barriers of party, which separate men, differing, not in principle, but in the name merely, ought to be thrown down, and every obstacle removed which can prevent and impede the full and cordial co-operation of those who are actuated by the same feelings, and entertain the same sentiments.

Resolved, That it be recommended to the friends of peace, liberty, and commerce, who are opposed to the present war, without distinction of parties, to assemble in their respective counties, wherein such meetings have not been already held, and appoint committees of correspondence and conference, who, if deemed necessary hereafter, may meet in a convention, for the purpose of explaining and comparing their sentiments, and concerting a common plan of operation, having for its object the restoration of peace to our degraded and afflicted country.

JACOB MORRIS, President.
WILLIAM HENDERSON. Sec.
Corre-

Correspondence between Sir J. B. Warren, and the Secretary of State, Mr. Monroe.

Halifax, Nova Scotia, Sept. 30. SIR,-The departure of Mr. Foster from America has devolved upon me the charge of making known to you, for the information of the government of the United States, the sentiments entertained by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, upon the existing relations of the two countries.

You will observe from the enclosed Copy of an order in Council, bearing date the 23d of June, 1812, that the Orders in Council of the 7th of Jan. 1807, and the 26th of April, 1809, ceased to exist nearly at the same time that the government of the United States declared war against his Majesty.

Immediately on the receipt of this declaration in London, the Order in Council, of which a copy is herewith enclosed to you, was issued, on the 31st day of July, for the embargo and detention of all American ships.

Under these circumstances, I am commanded to propose to your government the immediate cessation of hostilities between the two countries; and I shall be most happy to be the instrument of bringing about a reconciliation, so interesting and beneficial to America and Great Britain.

I therefore propose to you, that the government of the United States of America shall instantly recal their letters of marque and reprisal against British ships, together with all orders and instructions for any acts of hostility whatever against the territory of his

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Majesty, or the persons or property of his subjects: with the understanding, that immediately on my receiving from you an official assurance to that effect, I shall instruct all the officers under my command to desist from corresponding measures of war against the ships and property of the United States, and that I shall transmit, without delay, corresponding intelligence to the several parts of the world where hostili-: ties may have commenced; the British Commanders in which will be required to discontinue hostilities, from the receipt of such notice.

Should the American government accede to the above proposal for terminating hostilities, I am authorised to arrange with you as to the revocation of the laws which interdict the commerce and ships of war of Great Britain from the harbours and waters of the United States; in default of which revocation within such reasonable period as may be agreed upon, you will observe, by the Order of the 23d of June, the Orders in Council of January, 1807, and April, 1809, are to be revived.

The officer who conveys this letter to the American coast has received my orders to put to sea immediately upon the delivering of this dispatch to the competent authority; and earnestly recommend, that no time may be lost in communicating to me the decision of your government, persuaded as I feel, that it cannot but be of a nature to lead to a speedy termination of the present differences.

The flag of truce which you may charge with your reply, will find one of my cruisers at Sandy

Hook

Hook, ten days after the landing of this dispatch, which I have directed to call there with a flag of truce for that purpose. I have the honour to be, with the highest consideration,

JOHN BORLASE WARREN,
Admiral of the Blue, and
Commander in Chief, &c.

Mr. Monroe to Sir J. B. Warren.

Department of State,
Oct. 27, 1812.

Sir, I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 30th ult. and to submit it to the consideration of the President.

It appears that you are authorised to propose a cessation of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, on the ground of the repeal of the Orders in Council; and, in case the proposition is acceded to, to take measures, in concert with this government, to carry it into complete effect on both sides.

You state, also, that you have it in charge, in the event, to enter into an arrangement with the government of the United States for the repeal of the laws which interdict the ships of war and the commerce of Great Britain from the harbours and waters of the United States and you intimate, that if the proposition is not acceded to, the Orders in Council (repealed conditionally by that of the 23d of June last) will be revived against the commerce of the United States.

I am instructed to inform you, that it will be very satisfactory to the President to meet the British government in such arrangements as may terminate, without delay,

the hostilities which now exist between the United States and Great Britain, on conditions honourable to both nations.

At the moment of the declaration of war, the President gave a signal proof of the attachment of the United States to peace. Instructions were given, at an early period, to the late Chargé d'Af faires of the United States at London, to propose to the British government an armistice, on conditions which, it was presumed, would have been satisfactory. It has been seen with regret, that the proposition made by Mr. Monroe, particularly in regard to the important interest of impressment, was rejected, and that none was offered through that channel, as a basis on which hostilities might

cease.

As your government has authorised you to propose a cessation of hostilities, and is, doubtless, aware of the important and salutary effect which a satisfactory adjustment of this difference cannot fail to have on the future relations between the two countries, I indulge the hope that it has, ere this, given you full powers for the purpose. Experience has sufficiently evinced that no peace can be durable, unless this object is provided for it is presumed, therefore, that it is equally the interest of both countries to adjust it at this time.

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Without further discussing questions of right, the President is desirous to provide a remedy for the evils complained of on both sides. The claim of the British government is, to take from the merchant vessels of other countries British subjects. In the practice, the Commanders of British ships of war

often

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