Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of [European] History

long time your Decrees directed against the Declaration of Rights have been waste paper to him.1 Could he but rally at his call two thousand determined men to save the country, he would proceed at their head to tear out the heart of the infernal Mottier in the midst of his battalions of slaves. He would burn the monarch and his minions in his palace, and impale you on your seats and bury you in the burning ruins of your lair.

VIII. OPINION OF MALLET DU PAN ON THE WORK OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY.

Mercure de France, October, 1791, quoted in Memoires et Correspondence de Mallet du Pan, I, 240–242.

Mallet du Pan, a Swiss by birth, had edited the political part of the well-known periodical, Mercure de France, since 1784. He clearly realized the vices of the Ancien Régime, but, like many sensible men of the time, he could not but see the mistaken methods of the National Assembly. The circulation of his journal reached 11,000 copies in 1790.

The Constitutional Assembly cannot fail to recognize, without denying positive and accepted facts, that, as a result of its doctrines and action, it leaves every religious principle destroyed, morals in the last stage of degradation, free sway to every vice, the rights of property violated and undermined, our forces, both land and naval, in a worse state than at the opening of its reign; that it has shaken, if not destroyed, the foundation of all military organization; that it leaves our finances in chaos, the public debt considerably augmented, the annual deficit, according to the most favorable calculators, increased by half, the taxes in arrears, their payment suspended, having struck at their very roots by the recklessness of an absolutely new system, of which the immediate effects have been to make the people regard themselves as freed from taxation. It cannot disguise from itself that our influence and reputation in Europe are eclipsed; that our commerce is less flourishing, our industry less productive, our population less numerous; that our labor has decreased as well as the national wealth; that it has caused the disappearance of the specie and dissipated an enormous amount of the public capital; that finally our internal police in spite of numerous guards, is more oppressive and less effective than it was before the revolution.

We will add what no one can deny, that the number of unfortunates 1A coarse expression in the original.

of all classes has increased to a most frightful extent; that misery and despair cast a funeral pall over the songs of triumph, the illuminations, the Te Deums and congratulatory speeches. I do not speak of the clergy and nobility; their condition and birth having rendered them criminal in the eyes of the dominant party, their misfortunes are undoubtedly well-merited punishments and four or five hundred private individuals, having declared themselves inviolable, have assumed the right to determine their fate as the judge determines that of criminals; but I ask that a single class of Frenchmen, except the stock-brokers, be pointed out to me whose fortunes have not diminished and whose resources and prosperity have not been painfully affected!

In order justly to appreciate the conduct of our first law makers we must avoid the sophism by which they have constantly fascinated the common people, that of comparing the present situation of France with the disastrous results of the most horrible despotism. That is a false standpoint to which knaves and fools are always careful to revert. A vast number of citizens do not desire the old any more than the new régime, and the reproaches heaped upon the latter do not affect the reform of the older system. In order to overcome the disapprobation of the citizens it must be proved that without the action of the Assembly and the public and private calamities which this has involved, France would never have gained freedom, the security of person and property, safety which is the first condition of a good government, peace which is its sign, political equality, plenty, strength, order, and general consideration. It would, moreover, have to be proved that the Assembly had not the power to choose other institutions, that no middle course presented itself and that the only government adapted to the existing exigences was that which the Assembly proclaimed, since no other offered such obvious advantages or a more evidently propitious future.

IX. THE DECLARATION OF PILNITZ.

From the French text in Martens, Recueil des principaux Traités, etc., V, p. 260.

The Declaration of Pilnitz was naturally regarded by the French as an expression of sympathy for the Emigrés, and as a promise to secure them the general support of Europe in their counter-revolutionary schemes. It meant very little to those who drew it up. The Emperor is reported to have said "The words 'alors et dans ce cas' are the law and the prophets for me. If England fails us the 'cas' will not exist at all." (Sybel, bk. II., ch. 6.)

His Majesty, the Emperor, and his Majesty, the King of Prussia,

having given attention to the wishes and representations of Monsieur (the brother of the King of France), and of M. le Comte d'Artois, jointly declare that they regard the present situation of his majesty the King of France, as a matter of common interest to all the sovereigns of Europe. They trust that this interest will not fail to be recognized by the powers, whose aid is solicited, and that in consequence they will not refuse to employ, in conjunction with their said majesties, the most efficient means in proportion to their resources to place the King of France in a position to establish, with the most absolute freedom, the foundations of a monarchical form of government, which shall at once be in harmony with the rights of sovereigns and promote the welfare of the French nation In that case [Alors et dans ce cas] their said majesties the Emperor and the King of Prussia are resolved to act promptly and in common accord with the forces necessary to obtain the desired, common end.

In the meantime they will give such orders to their troops as are necessary in order that these may be in a position to be called into active service.

Pilnitz, August 27, 1791.

LEOPOLD. FREDERICK WILLIAM.

INTRODUCTORY BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Stephens, H. Morse: A History of the French Revolution. Vol. I. New York, 1886.

This is the only detailed modern treatment of this period in English (except the translation of v. Sybel's work mentioned below), and gives the student the results of the recent remarkable historical activity in France. Although the book contains many errors and oversights in detail, these do not essentially impair its value.

Von Sybel, Heinrich. Vol. I. Books I, and II. (Translated from the German.) This work is scholarly, but dry, unsympathetic, and lacks perspective. It deals only secondarily with the internal history of France, and its chief value lies in the latter portion, which treats the neglected period of the Directory.

Sorel, Albert: L'Europe et la Révolution française. Especially Vol. II. Paris, 1885-93.

While M. Sorel, like Sybel, has written a history of Europe rather than of France, his remarkable work contains a succinct, suggestive account (with references to the sources) of the period of the Constitutional Assembly.

Short accounts of the period are to be found in the books of Mallet, Morris, Gardiner, McCarthy and Rose, that of Mallet being perhaps the most satisfactory. Works in French on the subject are very numerous. That of Mignet, while some.

what antiquated, is the best general account in small compass. The English translation of the work in Bohn's Library is, however, wretched. Blanc's histories are still esteemed by modern scholars.

THE SOURCES.

Quinet's and Louis

Buchez et Roux, Histoire Parlementaire. Paris, 1834-38. 40 vols.

This contains extracts from the debates in the assembly, with the text of some of the important decrees. It gives quotations from the newspapers and from the speeches in the Jacobin and other political clubs, together with other more or less important matter. In spite of very defective tables of contents and a somewhat erratic selection of material, this collection has been the main stay of a great many writers, and is still very valuable, in spite of more recent publications, by reason of its comprehensiveness and cheapness; the forty volumes are still procurable in Paris for fifteen to twenty dollars.

Réimpression de l'ancien Moniteur. Paris, several editions. 32 vols.

This is a reprint of one of the most important newspapers of the revolutionary period. It has probably been ranked too high in the matter of impartiality and truthfulness, but it supplemeuts the previous collection, and like it can be had for a relatively small outlay, about twenty dollars.

Archives Parlementaires, de 1787-1860. Recueil complet des debats législatifs et politiques des chambres françaises imprimé par ordre du Senat et de la Chambre des Deputés.

The "first series' of this comprehensive collection covers the period 1787-1799. 57 volumes have been issued so far.

Aulard, La Société des Jacobins, Recueil de documents pour l'histoire du Club des Jacobins de Paris. Paris, 1889-92. 5 vols. have so far appeared.

This and other similar collections, published under the auspices of the Municipal Council of Paris, will greatly facilitate the work of historical writers in the future.

Memoirs and Correspondence.

The numerous mémoires which have been published upon this period by such men as Bailly, Ferrières, Malouet, Mallet du Pan and others, the Correspondence of Mirabeau and La Marck, etc., constitute a class of important sources.

The student is referred to Mr. Andrew D. White's Appendix to the American edition of Morris' "French Revolution" in the Epoch Series, which furnishes a very satisfactory bibliography.