and bequeathed, as the noblest inheritance, to their children.-For the exercise of one of these inalienable rights, through the medium of a free press, has your hon. house punished two of our Countrymen, setting aside the ordinary course of law, and in your own cause taking upon yourselves the office which, we humbly maintain, belongs only to a jury, that of deciding whether the publication be libellous or not. At the same time we lament to learn, that in the execution of your Speaker's warrant, undue violence has been used to that law, which regards an Englishman's house as his castle.-With this terrific stretch of privilege we cannot but be dissatisfied, as we feel that not even our real representatives ought, on any occasion, to have the right or power of dispensing with the charter of our liberties. We imagine that we perceive another danger arising from the possession of privileges unlimited by law, which, if it were the sole danger, would prove their impropriety. If the two houses of parliament have power to define their own privileges, each may assert such as are incompatible with those of the other, and which, by their clashing interests, may produce the evils of anarchy and civil war. Here we cannot refrain from adverting to certain sentiments said to have been delivered in your hon. house; we mean hints, we had almost said directions given to the judges of the land, as to their future conduct in the actions brought by Sir Francis Burdett against the Speaker of the House of Commons, and the Serjeant at Arms. While we regard those sentiments with indignation, we trust that the judges are so independent as to treat all such intimations, wheresoever and by whomsoever they may have been uttered, with deserved contempt, and that the court of King's Bench will satisfy the country, that to Britons there is no wrong without a remedy, and that by them no violence can be suffered without an appeal to the law. We solemnly assure your hon. house, that we regard the aforementioned rigorous treatment of British subjects, and many of the various evils which afflict the state, as arising immediately from the wretched policy of a weak and intolerant ministry, but primarily from the imperfect state of the representation of the people. The petition presented by Mr. Grey, now Lord Grey, in 1793, at the bar of your honourable house, fully details the most shameful abuses in the election of members of parliament, and numerous petitions since that time, some of them very recent, have made it unnecessary for us to expatiate on those grievances and abuses here.-We must, however, take this opportunity to complain, that those grievances and abuses not only remain uncorrected, but that, judging from sundry recent proceedings of your honourable house, we fear that it is the determination of a majority of your members to perpetuate practices, which are avowedly the disgrace of many borough elections, which are in direct violation of the purity of your honourable house, and which exist in open defiance of the strong resolutions upon that subject read by Mr. Madocks, when he made his motion respecting the corrupt traffic and revocation of a seat bytwo of his Majesty's ministers, in the case of Mr. Quintin Dick, into which case, flagrant and aggravated as it appeared, you refused to make any inquiry. Under all these circumstances, we cannot, without the greatest sorrow, contemplate the fate of Mr. Brand's motion on the subject of parliamentary reform; a motion which had for its object only the formation of a committee to inquire into the expediency of reform.— We earnestly urge your hon. house to reconsider this subject; which, as inseparably connected with the peace and prosperity of our country, we have most seriously at heart; being confidently persuaded that the disfranchisement of decayed boroughs, the extension of elective rights to populous towns, and triennial parliaments, so far from being incroachments upon the constitution of this kingdom, are indispensibly necessary for its preservation.And your Petitioners will ever pray &c. ADDRESS TO SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. Sir;-Subjects of the same realm, exposed to the same power, amenable to the same laws with yourself, and equally embarked in the cause of parliamentary reform, we feel it would be a dereliction of our duty, and an abandonment of principle, were we to omit addressing you on your present confinement in the Tower of London.-Your conduct as a representative of the people, has obtained our highest approbation, and we, in wherever it is suffered to exist its influence and its operations must of necessity be deadly and malignant. No salutary provision can flourish within its reach. We know likewise, "that return, give you our sincere and heartfelt thanks. We have seen you systematically and honourably abstain from those party struggles and contentions which se frequently occur in the house of commons; struggles and contentions," unlimited power is apt to corrupt the in which, personal ambition and the "minds of those who possess it, and emoluments of office, too often predo- "that where law ends, tyranny begins." minate over the more important consi- Permit us, Sir, before we quit this part derations of public good. With equal of our subject, to enquire, in the lansatisfaction we have seen you appro- guage of the great Chatham, when priate your time and your talents to speaking of this assumption of power questions, generally perhaps, less attrac- by the honourable the house of comtive and imposing, but in our estimation, mons; " Wharfis this mysterious power, of far superior noment, and of more undefined by law, unknown to the subsalutary effect; the oppressed individual ject, which we must not approach withhas in you found a ready, and an able out awe, nor speak of without reveradvocate, and the public peculator a ence, which no man may question, but determined enemy; by your research to which all men must submit."-Sir, and exertions great constitutional ques- having expressed our approbation of tions have been elucidated, the provi- your conduct, and given you our sincere sions of the grand Charter of British and heartfelt thanks, we have only to freedom have become more generally add to our wishes, that restored to your known, its blessing more extensively family and to the public, whose cause felt, and its value more highly and more you assiduously serve, even from the accurately estimated; and though we recesses of a prison, you may long conlament that those exertions have sub- tinue in perfect health, the delight of jected you to great privations and much the one, and the boast and admiration personal inconvenience, we rejoice that of the other, the example to all good the right of the house of commons to men, and the dread and terror of evil "imprison without the intervention of a doers." jury" is, by your perseverance, shortly to be decided upon in a court of law. Yet when we contemplate the important interests involved in this decision, we confess, we tremble for the result, because we feel sincerely and warmly attached to the constitutional government of our country, as a government not arbitrary and capricious, but of kuown, defined, and positive law; securing to the people trial for imputed offences, which we regard as the basis of all political freedom, and without which, no liberty can possibly exist. Feeling strongly this rational attachment to the wholesome provisions and good enactments of our forefathers, we protest against the exercise which has been made of an undefined and undefinable privilege by the honourable the house of commons, in the imprisonment of John Gale Jones and yourself, for alleged offences, which, in our opinion, are cognizable only in the established courts of law. Sir, we regard power without right as one of the most odious objects that can be presented to the human imagination, and we deprecate its establishment as a part of the government of our country, because we know that Address of Sir F. Burdett, in answer to the Resolutions, and Address of the Livery, presented to him by Mr. Sheriff Wood, and a deputation of the Livery, May the 9th. GENTLEMEN; -The highest reward that can be bestowed upon a faithful representative of the people, is the approbation and confidence of the people-it is the best, because it enables him most effectually to serve the people; and, highly as I estimate the honour done me by the livery of the first city, perhaps in the world, certainly of this united kingdom, it is for the before-mentioned reason that I value it most. It is by similar expressions of the public will, that great good may be effected, unattended by any of those evils which bad men have insinuated was designed to be produced, and of which insinuations timid men have been too easily the dupes. Upheld by these sentiments, and by the approbation of my fellow subjects, I estimate very lightly the personal inconvenience to which I have been, and still am subjected. And I am happy in an opportunity like the present to state, that those inconveniences have been diminished as much as possible by the kindness of my lord Moira, the governor of the Tower. Gentlemen, the advantages our country will derive from the transactions which have recently taken place, I flatter myself, will be great. And should they only produce the able and constitutional argument delivered by the late lord chancellor of England, Erskine, in the house of lords, on Monday last, I should say they had been great; there breathes the spirit of our forefathers; it brings back to our recollection better times, and better lawyers, and coming from such high legal authority, and sanctioned by the still higher authority of reason, the foundation of all law, cannot fail of making a deep impression on the public mind, and of powerfully aiding those great constitutional principles, of which Lord Erskine seems to be almost the last legal deposit, upon which every man's safety depends, and for maintaining which, by every means of legal resistance, against the violent attacks of arbitrary power, I have had the good fortune to meet with your approbation. But even this would not have been valued by me, as it now is, had it not been accompanied by that expression of your determination to use every exertion to promote, the only measure wise men will think of any great importance to the country; a radical reform in the representation of the people, of which free election is the vital principle. In the necessity of some reform in the representation, it appears, all parties now agree, except those immediately carrying on the corruption, or fattening on the Pol. Rev. Vol. VII. p. 416-19. spoils of the country. Gentlemen, it has been artfully misrepresented by the leaders of faction, that the public and myself; for I know not what they mean by my party, unless it is the public; are very illiberal in denying honesty to every man who differs, in the slightest degree, from ourselves; but, Gentlemen, though I certainly entertain a very mean opinion of the patriotism of the leaders of either of the factions, which have so long distracted and deluded the country, either of whigs or tories, "between which two thieves," says Mr. Ralph, the historian," This nation hath been crucified," yet I am persuaded that, under both these unfortunate nick-names, are enlisted a great many honest Englishman, both whig and tory; who, though dissatisfied with, and ashamed of, the tergiversations of their leaders, still do, from habit and circumstances, reluctantly hang on and allow themselves to be counted in the ranks. But an upright honest opinion, not a sham mercenary pretence, surely no man ought, and I am certain no man does, more respect than myself, however widely differing from my own; and I trust the time is not far distant when independent men, disregarding the watch-words of faction, will unite to put an end to peculation; to a borough-monger system, grinding the faces of the poor, and undermining the security of the rich; will unite to re-establish legal government, and to curb arbitrary power, whether exercised directly by the executive magistrate, or indirectly by means of a corrupt house of commons. Such, and such only, are in my mind honest men, and can, with truth, be said to love their King and country. We want nothing but what the law ordains; no new schemes, no half measures; we want no plan of reform from any man, but the constitution of England, as by law established. Why should the people of England re ceive Lord Grey's plan? or Lord Grenville's plan? or Mr. Brand's plan? or Sir Francis Burdett's plan? or any other man's plan? The proposition made by me last year was not to adopt any plan of mine, but the law of England; this is all the public require, less than this they cannot take, more they do not demand; such, at least, is my con ception of the matter, and such my opinion-hold to the law, for the new corn must come out of the old fields. Gentlemen, I am truly sensible of the honour you have done me, and beg you to accept my best acknowledgments; and you Mr. She riff Wood, for your handsome conduct. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE, The Paris papers contain an account of a ball given to Napoleon and his Empress, by the Austrian ambassador at Paris; during which the curtains catching fire, the room was immediately in a blaze, and in the dreadful confusion many noble persons were severely hurt. The Princess Pauline of Schwarzenberg, believing her daughter was left in the burning room, in a frantic effort of maternal love, rushed in after her and perished; the daughter had escaped. The Moniteur adds, "The fire extended itself with the rapidity of lightning, and his Majesty slowly retired with the Empress, recommending calmness, in order to prevent all disorder. The rapidity of the fire was so great, that the Queen of Naples, who followed in the suite of the Emperor, having fallen, was only saved through the presence of mind of the Grand Duke of Wurtzburgh. The Queen of Westphalia was conducted from the saloon by the King of Westphalia and Count Metternich. The Vice-roy escaped by a small door which led to the apartments of the hotel; 20 ladies have been more or less injured. Prince Kurakin, the Russian ambassador, had the misfortune to fall upon the steps which lead from the ball-room to the garden, which were then on fire, and was for a moment insensible. Prince Joseph Schwarzenberg was engaged all the night in search of his wife, who was not to be found either at her brother's, the ambassador, or at M. de Metternich's. He was doubtful of his misfortune till the day broke, when a disfigured corpse was found near the saloon, which Dr. Gall thought to be that of the Princess Schwarzenberg. It remained no longer doubtful when her diamonds, and the medallion of her children, which she wore suspended from her neck, were examined. Princess Pauline Schwar zenberg was daughter of the Senator Aremberg; she was mother of eight children, and four months advanced in pregnancy: she was as much distinguished for the graces of her person, as by the excellent qualities of her mind and heart. The affectionate act which cost her life, proves how much she deserves to be regretted, for death was most evident." It was at one of the fêtes given in honour of the marriage of the present Empress of France's great aunt to Louis the XVI. that an accident happened much more dreadful in its nature than that which has lately occurred at Paris, the number of lives lost being about 700. The last French decree upon the subject of grain, dated July 2, prohibits its exportation to this country entirely from the island of Schowen (Bonaparte's new northern frontier since the annexation of Zealand) to l'Orient, south: from this port to Bourdeaux it may be exported in French ships with one half wine or brandy. The wonderful and almost miraculous improvement produced in the crops of this country, by the recent rains, renders these decrees of the enemy of less important consideration than they would otherwise have been. The last article of Bonaparte's decree confines the coasting trade of France to French vessels only. It is announced in the Moniteur of the 2d, that the Austrian government is endeavouring to negociate a loan in Holland, which of course implies the consent of Bonaparte. The last Dutch papers give the unexpected informanation, that King Louis had withdrawn from the country without leaving any notice of the place of his retreat.-Fifteen thou sand French troops had entered the city of Amsterdam on the 4th inst. who were neither accommodated in barracks, or in the neighbouring vil lages, but were quartered on the inhabitants, with a total disregard to all the feelings of the burghers. [From the Moniteur.] The advices from Spain and the army of Portugal are very unimportant. The army of Catalonia is marching towards Tarragonia, to besiege that fortress. A division of the army of Arragon is directing its march upon Torlet. The ordnance and stores for the siege are embarked on the Ebro. In the South, the first corps, commanded by the Duke of Belluno, is in front of Cadiz. The 5th corps, commanded by the Duke of Treviso, is on the frontier of Portugal, to the right; and the 4th corps, commanded by General Sebastiani, is towards Malaga and Murcia. Gun-boats are constructing; batteries are erecting on the coast. Three crews of French sailors and a regiment of workmen have at length arrived in Andalusia, consisting, in all, of between 3000 and 4000, expert in naval operations. In Spain, there are in some provinces disturbances and banditti, but no where is there any longer a Spanish army in existence. When Gen. Moore was in Spain, the Spaniards had an army of more than 200,000 men on the Ebro. When, at a subsequent period, General Wellington marched to Talavera, they still had three armies; one in Catalonia, one under the command of Cuesta, and another one called the army of the centre; making together about 80,000 At present they have only three corps, scarcely making 24,000 recruits, who are unworthy the name of soldiers. men. To his serene Highness the Prince of Wagram and Neufchatel, ViceConstable, Major-General. "SIR, I arrived at Ciudad on the evening of the 24th; yesterday, the 25th, at four in the morning, I ordered the fire to be commenced against the fort with 46 guns; it appears that the garrison did not expect it so soon. They were very much disconcerted for the first few hours, and only returned it feebly. Soon after they began to fire with a great deal of activity. The fortifications were damaged, the parapet and embrasures were much injured, and several guns dismounted. The fire broke out several times, and in various parts of the town; one of the magazines exploded with a tremendous noise. That part of the wall to the east, which it adjoined, was damaged. The same accident befell us. Two small depots also took fire, and occasioned us the loss. of some men. Our loss in the whole amounts to 2 officers and 10 men killed, 1 officer and 41 men wounded. It might have been more, considering how near the batteries were, and the pebbly nature of the soil. That of the enemy, confined within stone ramparts, and encumbered with in |