as the difficulties had been on the former occasion, they were now much increased by the pressure of the times, and by the arduous but proud struggle which this country is supporting, not only for its wh honour and independence, but for that of the only people on the continent which scorns to submit to tyranny and oppression. He had, on the former occasion, voted for the adjournment proposed, in the hope of his Majesty's recovery; and if a further adjournment had been now proposed, he would have supported it; but he gave full credit to his Majesty's ministers for not wishing to hazard any danger or inconvenience to the state by postponing too long the measures which the existing circumstances required. He felt it, however, his duty to object to the mode and the principle upon which it was proposed to carry into effect that which is now indispensably necessary, as being, in his opinion, unconstitutional, derogatory to the dignity of the crown, and subversive of those rights which cannot safely be attacked in the person of the King's substitute. He must deny the right of the two estates of the realm to substitute a phantom in the place of the King, and to pass an act for which by the constitution the royal sauction was necessary. He therefore much preferred proceeding by address, which was free from those objections. With such an address, the resolutions which the two houses might think proper to pass could be sent up, and if they were accepted by the Regent, they would be binding upon him. These resolutions might also be made binding by a subsequent act, when the third branch of the legislature had been restored to activity. Having stated his objections to the form of a bill, he must also give his opinion as to the restrictions which had been spoken of. As to the arrangement for the care of the royal person, he did not consider that as any restriction on the regent; but as to the restrictions which were to be proposed on the executive power, he thought they were highly improper in times of such difficulty as the present, and that they were as unbecoming as they were unnecessary. He was convinced, that if the Prince of Wales was entrusted with the full exercise of that temporary authority, he would feel it was consistent with his honour and future interest, as well as with every feeling of duty and attachment to the King, so to conduct himself as to be able to restore to his father that authority, free from abuse, or any circumstances which would be embarrassing on the resumption of it. Lord Moira rejoiced at the sentiments of the two Royal Dukes, and entered into an argumentative and eloquent discussion, proving the dangerous consequences of the conduct proposed by ministers. Lord Buckinghamshire supported the measure of nominating a Regent by bill, and expressed the concurrence of Lord Sidmouth, who was absent from indis position, in the same opinion. Lord Grenville repeated many of the arguments used in his printed speech in 1789, in support of the bill proposed by mimsters, but arraigned them for delaying the appointment of a Regent, and in most severe and pointed terins condemned their assumption of the regal authority for the last eight weeks. The Marquis of Lansdowne particularly dwelt on the necessity of committing the custody of his Majesty's person to persons legally appointed and duly responsible for the faithful execution of the trust confided to them.-He hoped that "a retrospect of the manner in which the duties of that importaut trust had been hitherto performed, would soon be taken, as there were certain rumours afloat, which, if untrue, might be contradicted, but which represented that within a few days the power committed to those who had the custody of his Majesty's person had been most wantonly and unwarrantably abused, so as even to endanger the life of the royal patient! He stated this from rumour only, and trusted that the matter would be satisfactorily cleared up." The Lord Chancellor strenuously defended the conduct of ministers, and thought it his bounden duty to act on the precedent of 1788, as having been approved by all the branches of the legislature. Lord Erskine rose to support the amendment, but was seized with a bleeding at the nose, and obliged to desist. After some short conversation between Lords Lunsdowne and Liverpool, the house divided, for the amendment, 74; against it 100-Majority for ministers 26. Thus for the first time in the history of this country, 74 peers (proxies excluded) voted against the persons holding office; and even the ministerial majority of 26 was swelled by those peers who spoke with the greatest degree of vehemence against their measures. No proxies were allowed.] Friday, Dec. 28. Lord Walsingham reported the resolutions agreed to in the committee on the state of the nation. The Earl of Liverpool moved the order of the day for taking the report into consideration, and theu moved to agree to the first resolution, which was put and agreed to. On the second resotution, Lord Holland moved the previous question, which was negatived, and the resolution agreed to. On the third resolution. Lord Holland moved the same amendment that he moved on Thursday. Lord Erskine rose, and stated to the house, that being prevented on Thursday night by indisposition from delivering his sentiments on the subject of the intended Regency, and his ideas thereon having been since anticipated by other noble lords, he should not, on the present occasion, trouble their lordships at the length which he had originally intended, but content himself with merely taking a general view of some of the most prominent points that related to the subject. Precedents had been alluded to, but precedents were not so very applicable as could be wished, because a case like that now before their lordships had never occurred till this reign. The precedents however that were in existence, at least all the rational ones, were completely with the principle that is contained in the amendinent moved by bis noble friend. His lordship then adverted to the events in the reign of Henry VI. and those of 1641, as well as the concurrences at the revolution, all of which he contended were congenial with the principle of address. The noble lord dwelt at some length on the propriety, as well as policy, of adopting the mode of address, as infinitely preferable to any other that could be submitted. The aunendinent therefore had his heartiest concurrence. The Earl of Darnley argued the absurdity of the fiction of using the great seal in his Majesty's name to supply the defect occasioned by his own unfortunate incapacity. Lord Kenyon contended that it was the duty of the two houses to make such provisions in constituting a Regency, VOL. that on the recovery of his Majesty his authority might revert to him unimpaired. After a short conversation, as to the mode of putting the question, between Earl Stanhope, the Lord Chancellor, and, Lord Holland, the question was put, "That the amendment of Lord Holland "be inserted in the motion," which was negatived, and the original resolution agreed to. On the motion of the Earl of Liver pool, the resolutions were ordered to be communicated to the Commons at cunfereuce.-Adjourned till Monday. Monday, Dec. 31. Ou the motion of the Earl of Liver pool, a message was sent to the Commons, desiring a present conference on the subject matter of the conference had ou the 22d inst. On the return of the two Masters in Chancery sent with the message (Mr. Harvey and Mr. Cox,) Mr. Harvey reported the consent of the House of Commons to a present conference. Shortly afterwards Jr. Quarme, the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, came to the bar, and announced that the Commons were waiting a conference in the Painted Chamber. The following managers of the conference were appointed :-The Lord President (Earl Camden), the Lord Privy Seal (Earl of Westinoreland,) Earl Graham (Duke of Montrose,) Earl Harcourt, the Earl of Glandore, the Earl of Harrowby, Lord Viscount Wentworth, the Bishop of Killala, Lord Walsingham, and Lord Mulgrave, who went forth to the Painted Chamber.--On their return soon afterwards, Earl Camden reported that they had communicated to the Commons the resolutions agreed to by the House on Friday last. Adjourned till Wednesday. The following noblemen entered their protests, on the rejection of the previous question moved on the second resolu tion: Cumberland, Clarence, Kent, Sussex, Gloster, Charlemout, Grauard, Yarborough, Erskine, Fitzwilliam, Hereford, Thanet, Donoughmore, Somerset, Dutton, Scarborough, Cholmondeley, Carlisle, Stafford, Holland, Jersey, Lauderdale, Ponsonby, Bedford, Albemarle, Keith, Upper Ossory, Hastings, Dundas, Ailsa, Spencer, Norfolk, Say and Sele, Rosslyn, Grantley, Hutchinson, Suffolk, and Berks. 3 Q Wednesday, Jun. 2. The Earl of Dartmouth (late Lord Lewisham) took the oaths and his seat. No business came before the house. Thursday, Jan. 3. The Commons, in a conference with their lordships, communicated the resolutions to which they had agreed; and their lordships, on their return, resolved that they would, to-morrow, resolve themselves into a committee on the state of the nation. The Earl of Liverpool stated, that a question had arisen relative to the issue of money under the appropriation act, for the services of the army and navy, and moved for some papers connected with the subject. Friday, Jan. 4. The house having resolved itself into a committee on the state of the nation, the resolutions which had been brought up from the Commons were read. that the executive power should be delivered over unimpaired to the person whom, under such circumstances, they should think fit to appoint to it. Notwithstanding all his admiration of Mr. Pitt, he did not conceive that the precedent of 1788 ought to be followed. It was evident in his mind that the whole intention of ministers was to raise such a power as no one after them could act upon. The Marquis of Lansdowne said, that the house was going to the absolute creation of a power new to the constitution. With that view he called on their lordships to stop in limine. He contended, that the noble earl (Liverpool) had not shown the distinction between the duties of the crown and its prerogatives. The royal dignity is secured by law, to which has been annexed certain prerogatives, not for the personal splendour of the King, but for the good of the The Earl of Liverpool, after going over people He could not conceive but that the general grounds of the subject, ob- they were now about to restrain those served, that he thought the house could parts of the royal prerogative which, at not agree to the 5th resolution, in the the revolution, were declared to be useshape in which it had been brought up ful, not mischievous. It had been said to the house. In every former instance that in the course of a year it would be of regency, it was customary to confide seen how the Regent managed the housethe care of the Sovereign's person to the hold; but would they say that the man Regent; but in this it had been agreed over whom they intended to place no reon all hands, that the custody of his strictions, as far as related to the manage Majesty's person should be given to the ment of our fleets, our armies, and milQueen; and for the comfort of his Ma- lions of public money, that he was unfit jesty, it must follow of course that the to arrange the affairs of the household? care of the household should be in the His lordship then concluded by movsame hands. If his Majesty's indisposi-ing, as an amendment, that all the words tion should continue, he admitted that such officers of the household ought to be removed, as only were necessary for state, to the regent, unless they should adopt some new and complicated arrangement. He implored the house not to take advantage of the shortest possible period at which his Majesty's indisposition could be expected to terminate, to new model his domestic arrangements, and to make him see (if he should again recover) a set of strangers around him, in place of those faithful servants whom he has been accustomed to behold upon every occasion. His lordship concluded by moving, "That all the resolutions be agreed to as they came from the Commons, except the 5th," to which he proposed, by way of amendment, "that "the household officers of his Majesty "should remain as they now are, for a "time to be limited." The Earl of Carlisle was of opinion, in the first resolution, "subject to such "limitations and restrictions as should "afterwards be provided," should be left out. Lord Sidmouth strongly supported the measure of restrictions, contending that they were prudent and politic. Lord Erskine contended, that there could be no danger from granting the full powers of royalty to the regent, for fear of his Majesty being prevented, on his restoration to health and full vigour of mind, from resuming all his former functions, as in such a case they had the authority and security of parliament itself for his being restored to his full powers of government. The Lord Chancellor asserted, that the Regent, in former precedents, did not possess any thing like the powers which it was proposed by this act to invest him with.-If the restrictions were not passed, he contended that his Ma jesty would not possess the same advantages which the meanest of his subjects could enjoy. The house divided on the Marquis of Lansdowne's amendment, when there appeared, contents 105-non-coutents 102, -Majority against ministers 3. On the resolution respecting the peerage, it was proposed, by Lord Liverpool, agreeably to the suggestion of Lord Grenville, that it should be generally restricted for six months only, contents 106-noncontents 100-Majority in favour of ministers 6, owing to Lord Grenville and his friends voting with ministers. On the amendment of Lord Liverpool, to restore the resolution, respecting the household, to what was originally proposed, the numbers were, contents 97non-contents 110.-Majority against ministers 13. The house remained locked up in discussion respecting the admission of proxies to vote. After a warm debate upon this question, another division took place, contents for receiving proxies 99-noncontents 102.-Majority against minis ters 3. The report was then brought up, when Lord Liverpool proposed several amend ments, the object of which was to restore the resolutions to their original words, which ended in a compromise in which the Marquis of Lansdowne on its being agreed that the restrictions should be for six months only gave up the amendment he had before carried for the sake of preserving consistency in their lordships proceedings. The report was of course agreed to. Saturday, Jan. 5. The Lord Chancellor gave notice, that he should on Friday next call the attention of their lordships to the situation in which the house at present stood as to the proxies, and should submit to them a motion on that subject. Earl Moira said, that while such important discussions as those which had lately occupied that house were going on, the allowing the votes of those lords who had attended to and maturely weighed the proceedings, to be overturned by proxies coming from absent lords, was not only improper in itself, but unbecoming the character of the house. On the business respecting the issues of money for the public service:-After some discussion on the point of form, the house resolved into a committee on the subject of the resolution received by them from the Commons, which was agreed to. Lord Holland presented a petition from the corporation of Nottingham, praying that the Prince of Wales might be appointed Regent, without any limi tation or restriction.-Ordered to lie on the table. Monday, Jan. 7. On the motion of the Earl of Liverpool, a message was sent to the Commons desiring a conference, which being assented to, seven peers withdrew to the painted chamber. On their return Earl Camden reported that they had communicated to the Commons the agreement of the house to the resolution relative to the issues of public money, filling up the blank with the words, "the lords spiritual and temporal."-Adjourned. Tuesday, Jan. 8. A conference having been holden with the Commons, at which their lordships' resolutions of Saturday were agreed to; Lord Liverpool moved two resolutions respecting the Regency, similar to those agreed to in the Commons; which, at a second conference with that house, were also agreed to-Adjourned to Thursday. Thursday, Jan. 10. Lord Lovaine, and several members of the house of Commons, brought up a message, acquainting the lordships, that the Commons had appointed a committee to go with the lords' committee, to wait upon his royal highness the Prince of Wales, with the resolutions and address of both houses, for supplying the defect in the personal exercise of the royal power; and also, that they had appointed a committee to go with the Lords to wait upon her Majesty with the resolution and address of both houses. The Lord Chancellor postponed the motion of which he had given notice for to-morrow night, respecting proxies, till a future day. Friday, Jan. 11. The Duke of Norfolk presented the petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the City of London, respecting the Regency. Ordered to lie on the table.-The house then adjourned during pleasure, and was not resumed till five o'clock, when Earl Camden read to their lordships the answer of his royal highness the Prince of Wales to the address of both houses, presented this day, which was as follows: THE PRINCE'S ANSWER. "My Lords, and Gentlemen,-I receive the communication which the two houses have directed you to make t me, of their joint resolutions on the subject of providing for the exercise of the royal authority, during his Majesty's illness, with those sentiments of regard which I must ever entertain for the united desires of the two houses. "With the same sentiments I receive the expressed hopes of the Lords and Commons, that from my regard for the interest of his Majesty and the nation, I should be ready to undertake the weighty and important trust proposed to be invested in me,' under the restrictions and limitations stated in those resolutions. "My Lords and Gentlemen,—That sense of duty and gratitude to the King, and of obligation to this country, which induced me in the year 1789 readily to promise my utmost attention to the anxious and momentous trust at that time intended to be reposed in me by parliament, is strengthened, if possible, by the uninterrupted enjoyment of those blessings which I have continued to experience under the protection of his Majesty since that period: and I should be wanting to all my duties if I hesitated to accept the sacred trust which is now offered to me. "Conscious that every feeling of my "The assistance in point of council heart would have prompted me, from and advice, which the wisdom of pardutiful affection to my beloved father liament proposes to provide for me, will and sovereign, to have shewn all the make me undertake the charge with reverential delicacy towards him incul- greater hopes that I may be able satiscated in those resolutions, I cannot re-factorily to fulfil the important duties frain from expressing my regret, that I should not have been allowed the opportunity of manifesting to his afflicted and loyal subjects that such would have been my conduct. "Deeply impressed, however, with the necessity of tranquillising the public mind, and determined to submit to every personal sacrifice consistent with the regard I owe to the security of my father's crown, and the equal regard I owe to the welfare of his people, I do not hesitate to accept the office and situation proposed to me, restricted as they are, still retaining every opinion expressed by me upon a former, and similarly destressing occasion. "In undertaking the trust proposed to me, I am well aware of the difficulties of the situation in which I shall be placed; but I shall rely with confidence upon the constitutional advice of an enlightened parliament, and the zealous support of a generous and loyal people. I will use all the means left to me to merit both. which it must impose upon me. "Of the nature and importance of that charge I cannot but be duly sensible, involving, as it does, every thing which is valuable to myself, as well as the highest interests of a people endeared to me by so many ties and conside rations, but by nothing so strongly as by their steady, loyal, and affectionate attachment to the best of Kings." On the motion of the Earl of Liverpool, the resolutions of both houses, together with the addresses and answers of his Royal Highness and her Majesty, were ordered to be printed. The house then proceeded to the order of the day, and resolved itself into a committee on the state of the nation, when Lord Liverpool rose, and informed their lordships that they had now arrived at that stage in their proceedings, when, according to the plan which had received their approbation, it was his duty to move their lordships to come to a resolution to affix the great seal to a commission for the purpose of opening parliament, in order to give a legal sauction to the Regency bill. The commission would be drawn up on the precedent of that in 1789, of which it might be considered a copy, not indeed of that which was first presented to their lordships in that year, but in the amended form in which it passed. As the Royal Dukes had on that occasion signified their wish not to be included, the commission had, after its first draft, been altered to that effect; he now proposed, from a similar desire on the part of those royal personages, to omit their names in the cour |