of uniting an essential preparation against external danger, with a scrupulous regard to internal safety. In no other way, probably, can a provision of equal efficacy, for the public defence, be made at so little expence, or more consistently with. public liberty.

The corps of engineers, with the military academy, are entitled to the early attention of congress. The buildings at the seat, fixt by law, for the present academy, are not so far in decay, as not to afford the necessary accommodation. But a revision of the law is recommended, principally with a view to a more enlarged cultivation and diffusion of the advantage of such institutions, by providing professorship for all the necessary branches of military instruction, and by the establishment of an additional academy, at the seat of government, or elsewhere. The means by which war, as well for defence, as for offence, and now carried on, render these schools of the most scientific operation an indispensible part of every adequate system. Even among nations whose large standing armies and frequent wais afford every other opportunity of instruction, these establishments are found to be indispensible, for the due attainment of the branches of military science, which require a regular course of study and experiment. In a government, happily without the other opportunities, seminaries where the elementary principles of the war can be taught without actual war, and without the expense of extensive and standing

The receipts paid into the treasury during the year ending on the 30th of September last (and amounting to no more than eight millions and a half of dollars,) have exceeded the current expences of the government, including the interest of the public debt.-For the purpose of reimbur sing at the end of the year 3,759,000 dollars, of the principal, a loan, as authorised by law, had been negociated to that amount, but has since been reduced to 2,750,000 dollars ; the reduction being permitted by the state of the treasury, in which there will be a balance remaining at the end of the year, estimated at two million of dollars. For the probable roceipts of the next year, and other details, I refer to statements which will be transmitted from the treasury, and which will enable you to judge what further proceedings may be necessary for the ensuing.

Reserving to future occasions, in the course of the session, whatever other communications may claim your attention, I close the present, by expressing my reliance, under the blessing of Divine Providence, on the judgment and patriotism which will guide your measures, at a period particularly calling for united councils, and inflexible exertions, for the welfare of our country, and by assuring you of the fidelity and alacrity with which my co-ope ration will be afforded.

JAMES MADISON.

consider of what was fitting for the house to adopt.

Earl Fitzwilliam objected to the term "the present session," in the wording of the motion, as the present assembling of the estate could in no sense be denominated a session of parliament.

After some desultory conversation, in which Earl Stanhope, Earl Rosslyn, and the Earl of Liverpool took a part, the amended motion was put and carried, "That a committee be appointed to search for precedents on occasions similar to the present;" and the house adjourned to Saturday.

Saturday, Dec. 22.

Lord Clive and several other members of the house of Cominons brought up a message, desiring a conference. A committee of conference, consisting of Earl Camden, the Earl of Liverpool, Lord Viscount Wentworth, the Bishop of Hereford, Lord Mulgrave, Lord Wellesley (Marquis Wellesley) and another lord, was appointed; and a message having been sent to the house of Commons, appointing the conference forthwith in the painted chamber, the Lords appointed to confer with the Commons went forth.

On their return Earl Camden reported the communication of the resolutions voted by the house of Commons, which, on the motion of the Earl of Liverpool, were ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday next, the house then to resolve itself into a committee on the state of the nation, and the Lords to be summoned.

The Earl of Liverpool presented the report of the committee appointed to search for, precedents respecting proxies, which was ordered to lie on the table. Adjourned to Wednesday the 26th.

Wednesday, Dec. 26.

The Earl of Liverpool moved, that the resolutions communicated by the house of Commons should be referred to the committee on the state of the nation to morrow.-Carried nem. dis.

Earl Stanhope said, that he should move an amendment on the second resolution.

The Earl of Liverpool then moved, that the report of the committee for examining the King's physicians should be referred to the cominittee to-morrow.

the whole house, Lord Walsingham in the chair, to take into consideration

THE STATE OF THE NATION.

Just before their lordships proceeded thereon,

The Earl of Carlisle took occasion to make several very strong remarks on the state of the King's true condition, which he supposed was kept secret from the actual knowledge of his Majesty's ministers, otherwise they never would have hazarded to conduct themselves as they did, and continue such an usurpation of power which they possessed, had they not in common with the whole mass of his Majesty's subjects, laboured under a most extraordinary delusion. He was warranted in that when he compared the bulletins issued on certain days with the evidence given by the physicians before their lordships' committee. His lordship expressed himself in strong language upon this most material difference. He would not take their lordships by surprise, but he did intend to move that another committee should be appointed to inquire again into such matters as further regarded the state of the King's health as might be deemed expedient.

The Earl of Liverpool merely said, that when any motion of the kind should be submitted, he would undertake to say that his Majesty's ministers would fully justify themselves in the eyes of the world. His lordship then moved the order of the day, which being agreed to, and the three resolutions read as communicated from the house of Commous, he entered into a long argument upon the principle, necessity, and propriety of adopting these resolutions, and of proceeding precisely in the manner intended by parliament in the year 1789. His lordship then moved the first resolution, viz.

"That it is the opinion of this com"mittee that his Majesty is prevented "by his present indisposition from com❝ing to his parliament, aud from at"tending to the public business; and "that the personal exercise of the royal "authority is therefore, for the present "interrupted."

Which being put by the chair was agreed to nem. dis.

His lordship then moved the second resolution, viz.

"That it is the opinion of this "committee, that it is the right and

duty of the lords spiritual and tem"poral, and commons of Great Bri"tain, now in parliament assembled, "and lawfully, fully, and freely repre"senting all the estates of the people of "this realm, to provide the means of supplying the defect of the personal "exercise of the royal authority arising "from his Majesty's said indisposition, in such manner as the exigency of the " case may appear to require." Lord Walsingham having put the question,

ment.

Earl Stanhope rose to move an amendHis lordship agreed with the principle of this resolution, but he thought that it did not express enough. As to the third proposition it had not so cordially his assent. His lordship adverted to a variety of topics, and concluded with moving by way of addition to the motion, "That as soon as it should be fully and fairly ascertained by both houses of parliament, that his Majesty was completely restored to "the capability of exercising the functions of royalty, that the regent should "return into his bands unimpaired that "power which be held in the absence "of the royal functions."

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The amendinent was negatived without a division.

Lord Holland then rose and submitted, that it was quite improper to enter into any discussions upon the theoretic principles, of whether the right of the regency was inherent in the heir apparent, or in the legislature, or in the people; and therefore with the view of prerenting debates on such subjects, he should move the previous question, which he accordingly did; adding, that if it should be carried, he should next move for an address to his royal highness the Prince of Wales, requesting him to accept the regency, until a bill should be carried into a law, constituting a regent by the three estates of the realm. This was also negatived, and the second resolution was put and carried. Lord Walsingham then put the question on the third resolution, which resolution was as follows, viz.

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"That for this purpose, aud for main "taining entire the constitutional authority of the King, it is necessary that "the said lords spiritual and temporal, ❝ and commons of Great Britain, should "determine on the means whereby the royal assent should be given in parliament to such bills as may be

"passed by the two houses of parliament, respecting the exercise of the powers and authorities of the crown, "in the name and on the behalf of the King, during the continuance of his Majesty's indisposition."

On which Lord Holland rose, and called the attention of their lordships to the purport, letter, and spirit of the proposition set forth in the last mentioned resolution; and in a speech of considerable length and animation opposed the principle of the said resolution.

The Duke of Norfolk was of opinion, that proceeding by address was most suited to the dignity of parliament, and the nature of the occasion. The great seal could not be legally applied as matters now stood. Its virtues did not consist in the metal or the wax, but in its legal application. If the ministry thought. proper to lay restrictions on the persons possessing the right to the temporary authority, why could they not push the principle father, and in case of demise, lay restrictions, or exercise their choice, in the case of successor to the throne! The acts were only equally unconstitutional. He would vote for the proceeding by address on the present occasion.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Susser said, the house had already on its table the distressing details of his Ma jesty's unhappy illness. It was evident from those details given in evidence, that his Majesty had had no communication with any of his ministers, nor with any of the royal family, for a considerable time. What right, then, had ministers to talk of the King's approval of their acts? It was important for the house to know on what this rotten fabric was built. What was the natural conduct of things? The ministers reported to the King, the King issued his orders to the ministers; he commanded them to act, and they were responsible for their acting. But ministers had not seen the King for three weeks, and yet they dared to talk of the King's approval of their measures. [Here his royal highness stopped for some time, and begged the house would attribute his silence to the agitation of his feelings.] If the ministers assumed to themselves a power as of right to act as they have hitherto done, it was the most serious blow which had been suffered by the constitution since the Revolution. The King was a corporation sole; he never died; he en joyed a sort of political immortality,

The act of ministers in usurping his power was a kind of political regicide. He could not separate the rights of the King from those of the people. In defending the royal authority, he only defended the principles of the constitution. It was expedient to defend the rights of the throne, if the constitution was to be preserved. If the proceeding by bill was adopted, and the house took it upon itself to elect a temporary governor, it might go the length of interfering with the future and rightful possessor. The principle of succession was the principle of common law; the right of the modern succession, or that of the house of Brunswick, was to be found in the statute law, grounded upon the ancient principle of the common law. If a regent were to be chosen, he must be made an effective magistrate, with the power of performing the duties of royalty. He must not be the mere mummery and mockery of royalty. Let the voice of the law be listened to; the law provided for the supply of the royal functions. It was necessry that the Regent should have the means of performing the services required from his station, the sovereignty remaining still untouched, and in the person of the Monarch. He could not avoid entering into those details, as he felt he had a serious duty to perform to his father and to himself; he felt the sincerest devotion, not only to his father, but to the constitution of this country. It had been his fortune to reside for many years upon the continent, and there to have observed the commencement and progress of those revolutions which had made so lamentable a change in its situation. He had observed, that the first step which was always taken by those whose object it was to overthrow all government, was to endeavour to bring monarchy into contempt, by attacking the characters of those who were next in succession to the throne. If the king and bis heir, apparent were degraded in the eyes of the public, the overthrow of the ionarchy would become an easier task. This country now.enjoyed the benefit of a most excellent constitution, established on the basis of the glorious revolution of 1688, beautified and improved by time, and so admirably balanced, that ́it was impossible to attack any one part of that glorious fabric without endangering the whole. He therefore thought that it behoved their lordships to give

their most serious attention to that which so materially affected the monarchical part of it, which was essentially necessary for the interests of the people. With respect to his feelings for his royal father, he could with the utmost sincerity, quote the remarkable expression of Lord Thurlow, "When I forget my King, may God forget me." But feeling as he did most sincerely those wishes with respect to his father, he would also add, with equal sincerity and devotion to the constitution of his country, “ May God forget me, when I forget the constitution which raised my family to the throwe." It was this constitution which, amidst the ruin and desolation that emanated from the French revolution, preserved this country, free and invincible, like a mighty rock in the sea, which defies the fury of the storm. To this constitution every subject in the realm should-cling for the protection of their rights and liberties; and to the support of this constiution, none were more deeply pledged than his family, whom it had called to the throne, for the purpose of protecting it. He felt himself pledged by every tie to support the constitution in all its parts; and it was from this feeling that he had conceived it his duty to state his

sentiments to the house.

Lord Mulgrave thought that the precedents were entirely in favour of the course proposed by his noble friend (Lord Liverpool.) He conceived that neither the precedent of what was done at the restoration, or at the revolution, applied at all to the present case. therefore opposed proceeding by address, and supported the measure of a bill.

rose,

He

His Royal Highness the Duke of York and saith that he felt it now his duty, as he had done 22 years ago, under melancholy circumstances similar to the present, to state publicly his opinion. He was deeply impressed with the same opinions which he had formerly expressed of the mistaken principles and, the dangerous tendency of the measures now proposed; and he was led by every feeling of duty and attachment to his belov ed father, of solicitude to preserve the rights of the crown, and of regard for the constitution, to deprecate the adoption of a course which appeared to him highly detrimental to all those valuable interests. No individual could feel more for the critical situation in which the country was placed by a calamity which none could more seriously deplore. Great