vate satisfaction that could be derived from the consciousness of having uttered in the face of the county an untruth of one of its members. Sir William Geary thought it not a little extraordinary, that one of their members who had just spoken had not said one word in the course of his warm speech upon the great question that had brought them to gether. The hon. baronet had not conveyed to his constituents any one opinion upon the great question of reform. He now called upon the hon. baronet, as one of the representative of the county, to state his sentiments frankly and decidedly. Mr. Ryder required the same explanation, and asked if he would present the petition which had just been voted? Sir E. Knatchbull replied, that he would feel it his duty to present the petition that had been adopted by the meeting. He had nothing to reproach himself with. He had all along acted upon the dictates, and rewarded by the approbation of an honest heart. He might have erred, but they had been the errors of judgment, and not of intention.Gentlemen, said Sir Edward, I do not shrink from telling you, that the great trust which you have committed to my hands, has not been betrayed. I have discharged my duty to you with fidelity and integrity. Mr. Larkins next addressed the meeting, and asked if the hon. Baronet, in the croud of his professions, had said any thing bearing upon the present question? He wished to know if the hon. baronet would now pledge himself to support in the house of Commons the petition, of which he had there approved, or at Least had not opposed. In fact,all that had been yet said by the hon. baronet amounted to little more than silence as to the subject then before them. What had been the conduct of that hon. baronet upon every question respecting a reform in parliament? He had upon every occasion proved himself a bitter enemy of reform. He would ask the hon. baronet if he had ever given one vote for entertaining the mere discussion of the question? There never yet had been a question affecting the people's liberties in which Sir Edward Knatch bull was not found to be either their opponent, or to evade his public duty by absenting himself from the discussion altogether! In stating this he (Mr. Larkins) made novague charges. He might cite some of the cases to which be alluded if it would not lead him into too tedious a detail.— He would ask then, what was the vote of the hon. baronct upon the investigation of the Duke of York's public conduct? Was not the deinquency of the accused party proved so clearly, that if the same proofs had been laid before a jury, and that they had returned so iniquitous a verdict they would have been scouted from the hall of justice with indignation? In that county, he af firmed, that ninety-nine out of one hundred of the inhabitants were upon that occasion of an opinion opposite to the vote of the hen. baronet. Another momentous question was that of the Walcheren expedition-never had there been an expedition planned with more imbecility, or conducted with more ignorance. It had been the fruitful source of triumph to the enemy, and disgrace and discomfiture to England. He would ask the hon. baronet how he had voted upon that question, and what were the feelings of political honesty which influenced his vote upon that memorable occasion? In fact, he had never proved himself a friend to reform. Sir IV. Geary approved of the proposition now before them, of placing the petition in different parts of the county conveniently for signatures. He had heard the speech of the hon. baronet, and he had drawn his own conclusions from it-the result of them was, that he did not think it for the honour of the county to allow a man to present their petition who did not mean to support it; or who, at least, shewed that he had not the candour of an Englishman, to tell his constituents how he would act, or whether he would oppose them or not. He would move that the hon. baronet should not present the petition, but that their worthy representative, Mr. Honeywood, do present the same to the house of Commons, and Mr. Honeywood only. Sir E. Knatchbull expressed himself friendly to reform in general, but had never yet seen any plan he could approve of. to state, that he went along with his constituents in the great cause of reform with all his heart and soul, and that if he were living he would go to the house and present their petition, though he should do so even upon his crutches. Sir W. Geary's motion was then carried unanimously, as was also a vote of thanks to the high sheriff, for his liberal and independent conduct in the chair. He expressed his warm acknowledgment for the honour conferred upon him; when one of the most orderly and best-conducted meetings witnessed for some time, broke up. ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Mr. Ryder said-" Sir Edward, SIR WILLIAM GEARY'S LETTER how did you vote on the charge preferred against my Lord Castlereagh,. for a traffic in the sale of those seats?" Sir E. Knatchbull--" Do you expect an honest answer?" Mr. Ryder" If you please, Sir Edward," Sir E. Knatchbull—" Then I declare, upon my honour, in the face of the county, that I do not now remember whether I was upon that occasion, in the house or not." Mr. Bridges thought with the great Lord Burleigh, that England could be ruined only by a parliament, and therefore the safety of the country depended upon the purity of her representation. He recommended a steady perseverance, which must ultimately prevail, and approved of the petition being so placed as to be subscribed by as many signatures as possible. Without a reform in parliament, he sincerely was of opinion, that it was of little consequence to the country who was minister. Mr. Honywood (son of the member) stated, that he had just come from his father, who, he assured the meeting upon his word, was confined with so severe an attack of the gout, as to be obliged to use crutches; but that he had commissioned him To the Editors of the Kentish Oxen Heath, Dec. 4, 1810. Sirs, It would have been a high gratification to me, to have stated at the late county meeting, held at Maidstone, the means, which to my mind, appear adequate to bring about that reform in parliament, which was there decided upon as necessary by an unanimous vote; but a conviction that a popular meeting is ill calculated for the discussion of the detail of a subject, restrained me at the moment. The means which appear to me as sufficient to secure this great national object are these: 1st, That in all boroughs the right of voting should be in the inhabitants paying rates or some tax, proving an equivalent occupation. That their numbers must amount to not less than five hundred.--That the number of voters paying rates, or some tax, proving an equivalent occupation, should be returned to parliament every three years, and that any deficiency should be made up from the adjacent villages.-That all boroughs at present inhabited by less than five hundred paying rates or some tax, proving an equivalent occupation, shall be disfranchised, and their members added to the great towns not having the elective franchise, and to London and Westminster. 2d, That the poll for counties be taken by the districts in which the justices act in their petty session. The sheriff to appoint a sheriff depute for each district, who shall meet him with the polls of their different districts at the county town: and from these polls he is to make his return. Every voter to vote in the district in which he resides; his freehold to be registered in the district in which he resides, and also in the district in which the freehold is situated. A voter, being a non-resident in the county, must vote in the district in which his freehold is situated. sential to the spirit of representation, I have now stated what appears to me to be an easy remedy to a great and flagrant national evil.-I have stated a plan of reform in parliament, which at the same time, I think, is moderate and radical. If I am mistaken, I trust justice will be done to my motive.-After the active part I have taken, as one of those who called the county meeting, I have done but my duty in making this statement.-Some men, from the best motives, fear the discussion of this subject in the present situation of the country. I own I fear the consequence of not discussing it. -The conquests on the continent should deeply impress upon our minds this political truth, that the victories of a foreign foe are easy, when a people are rendered indifferent to the honour and glory of their couns 3d,-All voters to vote by ballot. try, by the imbecility of their poli4th, Parliaments to be triennial. tical state. The evil to be remedied By increasing the number of vo is of a radical nature-it strikes at ters in boroughs, and voting by bal- the root of all principle.-The barlot, corruption would be annihi-ter of ministerial patronage for parlated: the honest voter might exercise his franchise without fear of ruin, and the dishonest voter would not be able to barter his country's interest for his own; as no one would bribe a secret vote.-By voting by districts in counties, elections would be held without expence; and candidates, who possess talents for business, and feelings calculated to maintain the honour of parliament, to support a good administration, and to oppose a bad one, would never be wanting in this country.The voting by ballot is requisite to the freedom of election. That parliaments should be triennial, is es liamentary influence is now notorious and established:-it extends through all professions and all departments of the state-a bar to merit, and a reward to corruption; thereby dimi nishing the salutary effects and consequences of the prerogative of the crown, weakening the legitimate power and energy of the executive through all its branches; and ultimately influencing and destroying the check of the democratic part of the constitution-the vital principle of liberty in our system of government, I am, Sirs, your humble servant, WM. GEARY. PARLIAMENTARY REGISTER. HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, Nov. 29. this day, that the doors of both houses of parliament were beset at an early hour, and the avenues crowded with Such was the curiosity of the public multitudes before the business commen ced. At half-past three o'clock the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the woolsack, when the Bishop of Killaloe took the oaths and his seat. And Lord Baron Thurlow being called by letters patent, creating him Lord Thurlow, of Thurlow, in the county of Suffolk, (being introduced by the Duke of Norfolk, preceded by the Herald at arms, and led in between Lord Moira, as Baron Hastings, and Lord Walsingham,) took the oaths and his seat. At five o'clock, a very numerous and unusual number of Peers appeared in their seats, and in a short time after Earl Camden, as president of the counsel, moved, that the report of that board which he held in his hand respecting their examination of the physicians attending on his Majesty, relative to the state of his Majesty's disorder, &c. should be laid on the table The question was put, and his lordship laid it on the table. On his Lordship's motion it was read, and was precisely the same as that de livered by Mr Secretary Ryder in the house of Commons.-[See Commons. } The Earl of Liverpool then rose, and called the attention of their lordships to the subject of that report. He observed that it diverged into three principal points, namely, the incapacity of the monarch to attend to public business, the amendment in his disorder, and the confident hope of his recovery. These being the principal subjects of that report, he submitted that any proceeding of parliament at present, respecting any kind of change, would be both impolitic and indelicate. His lordship took a retrospective view of the occurrences which took place in the year 1788; at that period he observed that there was but an adjournment of four days, but then the adjournment of four days was an act of necessity. His Majesty had been then a much longer time indisposed than he is at present. At that time the physicians had no hope of amendment, whereas at this day they express the most confident hopes of his recovery. His lordship concluded by moving, "That this house, at its rising, do adjourn until Thursday the 13th day of December next." On the motion being put, Earl Spencer rose. His lordship said, he came down to the house under the full expectation that his Majesty's ministers would not have ventured to have adjourned their lordships to so distant a day. He thought that the house would not be discharging its duty either to their Sovereign, to their country, or to themselves, if they separated without first appointing some authorised body to inquire legally into the actual state of the Monarch's health; be therefore moved, that "a select committee be appointed to examine the physicians attending his Majesty, and report the said examination to the house." Earl Moira supported the amendment, and spoke at considerable length. Lord Harrowby, in a speech of greet length, supported the original motion. His lordship having inade use of an expression which went the length of declaring, that, whilst a regent exists, the King is set aside, Lord Grenville got up with very great warmth, and called the noble lord to order, and complained of the unparliamentary language which conveyed it, saying that it directed a most unfounded imputation on those who opposed the adjournment. A conversation arose between Lord Harrowby, Lord Holland, Lord Grenville, and the Marquis of Abercorn, by way of explanation, but it did not end in mutual satisfaction. Lord Holland then, in a very energetic appeal to the wisdom and policy of the house, called upon them to oppose the motion for delay, and concluded an excellent speech in stating that he would support both the amendment and the principle of it, as so elegantly elucidated by the noble lords, who in support of it, had spoke before him. The house then came to a division on the amendment: Contents . . . . . 56 The original motion was then carried without a division, and the house adjourned to the 13th of next month. Thursday, Dec. 13. The house met about a quarter before four o'clock. About five the Earl of Liverpool rose, and adverting to what he had said on the 29th of last month, when he moved the former adjournment, observed that he had then stated, that if on this day there should not be reason to hope for his Majesty's speedy recovery, he should feel it his duty to propose some measure to the house. There was then, and there still existed, a confident expectation of his Majesty's recovery; but there was not, unfortunately, that advance in his Majesty's recovery which could warrant him in proposing another adjournment. He, therefore, felt it his duty, in conformity with the precedent of 1788, to move, "That a select committee be appointed to examine the physicians who have attended his Majesty during his illness, respecting the state of his Majesty's health, and to report such examination to the house." This motion was put by the Lord Chancellor and agreed to. It was then moved by the Earl of Liverpool, that the committee consist of 21 Lords, and that each Lord should deliver in, before the sitting of the house to-morrow, a list of 21, for the forming of such committee. Also that Dr. H. R. Reynolds, Dr. Sir H. Halford, bart. Dr W. Heberden, Dr. R. D. Willis, and Dr. M. Baillie, should attend the house to morrow; and that such of them as were in attendance on his Majesty to-morrow, should attend the house on Saturday. The Duke of Norfolk was proceeding to observe upon the motion for ordering the attendance of the physicians to-morrow, on which day only the committee was to be formed, when The Earl of Liverpool observed, that according to the forms of the house, the physicians who were to be examined before the committee must be sworn at the bar of the house. At the sitting of the house to-morrow, the lists would be referred to a committee of the whole, to ascertain what lords were appointed on the committee, and then the committee would proceed in such manner as should appear to them most advisable. The motions were severally agreed to, and on the motion of the Earl of Liverpool, the house adjourned till to-mor Earl Spencer Marquis of Lansdowne Earl of Westmorland Earl of Liverpool Lord Redesdale The Earl of Liverpool then moved, that the committee should meet to-mor row, at 12 o'clock, and that eight be a quorum, with privilege to adjourn as they should think fit.-Adjourned. Monday, Dec. 17. The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the Woolsack about the usual hour, and several Peers attended. No proceedings took place, nor was any communication made from the committee appointed to examine the physicians at tending his Majesty; and their lordships adjourned till Wednesday. On Wednesday the Report of the phy sicians was presented to the house, and on Thursday it was taken into consideration. After some conversation it was understood that no material step would be taken in the business by ministers till they were informed of the proceed, ings of the Commons. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, Nov. 29. Mr. Secretary Ryder informed the house, that it was again assembled under the same unhappy circumstances which they had before so much reason to deplore. He then presented a copy of the examination of his Majesty's phy sicians, and begged leave to have the report read. The Speaker stated, that it was then in the power of any member to ask any question relative to the paper presented to the house. Mr. Tierney expressed a strong objec tion to the receiving any paper without an order from his Majesty, as it was palpably derogatory to the dignity of the house to allow the obtrusion of any pa per unsanctioned by the royal authority. The Speaker stated, that upon the journals of the year 1788, a circum |