jury, for libels: little did they ima- by the Great Charter. We have I have only now to add to this letter, already too long, that these are the reasons why I conceive the interpretation lately given by the committee of the house of Commons, on a clause in Magna Charta, not to be a true one, but on the contrary extremely anti-constitutional, and injurious to the rights of their constituents. I shall however in my next enter into some explanation of what I conceive to be the proper meaning of that clause. I remain, &c. REVIEW OF BOOKS, The Friendly Monitor: A Sermon preached at the Chapel in George Street, Hull, on the late Jubilee, [1809,] appointed to celebrate the 50th. Anniversary of his present Majesty's accession to the British throne. By T. Finch.-Burdett. Our readers may probably think us out of time in reviewing this discourse. The truth is, we did not receive it till several months after its publication, nor till the commencement of the late session of parliament. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the pages of our Register have since, been so completely filled with the important events and topics of the day, that we have not been able to attend to various publications, we should otherwise have noticed. The Jubilee Sermon of Mr. Finch, pastor of the Baptist congregation at Hull, is however, too excellent in itself considered, and too TIMOTHY TRUEMAN. much distinguished from the adulatory effusions which have disgraced so many of our reverend divines, both in and out of the establishments, that we are somewhat anxious that it should not escape the attention of what is called the religious world. We deem it our duty more particularly to notice the discourse, as we perceive the tools and partizans of the present ministry, the hireling writers in our public prints, are endeavouring to stir. up the people to repeat the act of folly committed last year, and, notwithstanding the increase of our debt and taxes, our enormously extended paper circulation, and the gloomy prospect before us, are exciting us to the observance of another jubilee; thus hoping to reconcile us to a system, which, if per severed in, must end in national ruin! The text, which may more properly be considered as a motto to this discurse is-Proverbs xxv, 5. Take away the wicked from before the King, and his throne shall be established in righteousness. The subject and division of the discourse are introduced by the following just and animated remarks. "In the revolutions of ancient times, we behold the ways of Providence wonderfully exemplified. The glory of Babylon, the tyrant of the eastern world, having arrived at its highest splendour, was speedily destroyed. The kingdom of Cyrus, having flourished for a few ages, was suddenly subdued by the Grecian conqueror. The empire of Greece, having desolated the earth a short period, lost its glory and submitted to the Roman power. The sovereigns of Rome, having brought the world to submission, ruled with uncontrouled dominion, supported the powers of darkness, persecuted the saints of God, defied the ravages of time, and opposed the purposes of heaven. 66 But the period is now approaching for the final destruction of Antichrist and Rome. The aspect of the world, indeed, is terrible. Every thing valuable to man seems involved in the present convulsions of Europe. The theatre of the world itself is agitated, and every individual trembles for the final issue. The families that supported the papal tyranny have already experienced the singal vengeance of God. Dethronement, desolation, and blood, are the equitable rewards of their oppression and cruelty. The basis of the Roman power has been destroyed; the rulers of the inquisition have lost their influence; the terrors of persecution have ceased to reign; and the flames of martyrdom are witnessed at Rome no more. "In beholding these revolving dispensations, the friend of Britain realizes the deepest interest, and the most solicitous concern, He remembers` that Britain was once joined with the powers of Rome, and connected with the votaries of antichrist, in persecuting the saints. The blood of martyrs has been spilt on British ground, and thousands of our forefathers were the wretched victims of spiritual tyranny, unjust imprigoument, unrelenting tortures, or popish passacres, In contemplating the past, Under the first head the preacher presents us with such a view of our tends to excite our gratitude to the privileges, as Britons, as naturally author of our mercies, who has so distinguished us from the nations on the continent. He then proceeds, under the second head, to consider those "national calamities," calcu lated" to excite emotions of patriotic grief." Here the preacher more particularly distinguishes himself from the herd of pulpit adulators, who, by their deceitful flatteries, have added to our national sins, and presents us with the following re flections, as just as they are awful. "Pleasing as the picture of our enjoyments may appear, we cannot help observing many gloomy shades, and painful prospects, blended with our chief felicities. Circumstances of distress and sorrow are mingled with our greatest comforts, and the streams of trouble and adversity have embittered our highest pleasures. The prolongation of the fo reign war, the multiplied difficulties of the people, and the prevalency of impiety and vice, cannot fail to raise in the mind of a good man emotions of commiseration and regret. "The preservation of peace is the nation's glory, but the commencement of war is the downfall of its happiness. The laws of self-protection, indeed, will justify a nation, in defending its native rights, and resisting the lawless efforts and unjust attacks of its adversaries. But offensive war, too frequently, dis cards the ties of social order, and violates the principles of justice, mercy, faith, and love. Were the rulers of the world to lay aside the lawless claims of ambitious power, and observe the principles of perfect equity, the calamities of war would be unknown, and universal peace established. "But the pride of man disdains tranquillity, and leads to unjust aggression, coercive regulation, discontent and war. Oppressive tyranny forces the injured to seek redress. The proud oppressor will not condesend to grant the demands of equity, but declares the suppliants ene mies and rebels. All attempts to reconcile the fierce and innocent are fruitless, and war becomes inevitable. Hostilities commence, and all the tram of indescribable calamities follow them. But if the cause be criminal and the means unjust, who can vindicate the consequences or just fy the issue? "If these are principles of right, every friend of Britain must lament the long continuance of offensive war. More than thirty out of fifty years have been employed in foreign desolations! Miseries that we have never seen have been commenced, or else continued in dis tant lands, by British forces or British treasures. No sooner had the nation began to anticipate the pleasing consequences of a peaceful reign, than aspiring and wicked ministers blasted all their prospects, by instituting laws to suppress the rising glory of the western world. Our brethren could not yield to such encroachments, not sacrifice their freedom even at a parent's call. Complaint was deemed rebellion, and the ravages of war were made to pass the ocean. The ties of friendship were cut asunder. Thousands were slaughtered by their brethren. The colonies were separated from their native land, and the British crown deprived of its brightest jewel. "No sooner had our beloved country emerged from its greatest difficulties, and began to witness the approach of brighter days, than the flames of war burst forth with increasing fury. The rowed design of the present war was just and necessary, but the object and the principle which faithful his tory must record are neither good nor equitable! Conscience has never borne her testimony to the innocence and rectitude of our proceedings; but, from the commencement to the present time, bas frequently pronounced the irrevocable sentence of condemnation. "Freedom having awoke in the heart of Europe, shook the tyrannies of ancient despotism, and made the pillars tremble which supported the papal throne. In a crisis so unspeakably momentous, Britian could not well remain a calm spectator. But for what end could she interfere? Was it right to vindicate the powers of darkness, and keep the injured nations in a state of slavery? No; such conduct must dis grace the sacred free-born character of Britain. It should have been her highest glory to draw the iron teeth from Europe's cruel monsters, rescue the groaning nations from the grievous yoke of bondage, model their ancient governments on the principles of liberty, reconcile the people's rights with those of the ruling powers, and thus establish the peace of Europe on a permanent foundation. The blood of thousands of the martyrs shed in Britain, like the blood of Abel, called for vengeance on their murderers. The souls of multitudes beneath the altar urged the nation to revenge their death, and trample on the tyranny of antichrist and Rome. "But, regardles of liberty and jus tice, legions of British troops have pro fanely joined the standard of papal power, and fought in defence of error, blasphemy, persecution, tyranny, and death. The God of heaven and earth has frowned on our exertions, and ren dered them subversive of their own designs! "Every effort we have made has only served to elevate the glory and multiply the conquests of our most embittered adversary. While peace would have confined him within the limits of his native territory, war has gratified his insatiable ambition, and dazzled him with the splendour of universal power. Every new coalition has defeated its own purposes, and every fresh campaign has lamentably extended the boundaries of his empire! We have, therefore, lost our allies, our influence, our glory. The smoaking ruins of inoffending cities, the varied desolations of want and famine, the dying groans of slaughtered millions, and the weeping cries of ten thousand families, not only reproach our enemies, but look to Britain with a frowning aspect, and becloud the horizon of our peaceful land. "But this long protracted and ever to be lamented war, has involved the na tion in the greatest difficulties, and mul tiplied its domestic sorrows. A few iudividuals have, indeed, enriched themselves with the benefits of office, and feasted on the spoils of their injured country. But the greatest numbers of the people have felt their comforts daily diminishing, and have groaned beneath the pressure of a burden which is now become almost intolerable. Taxation has far exceeded the bounds of safety, and those domestic privileges which were once held sacred are now exposed to the eye of inquisitive collectors. The succours of the nation have many of them failed. Many species of trade and commerce, which once administered support to thousands, have now languished and died. Families that once enjoyed the sweets of affluence have realized a mournful change. The interruption of their concerns has robbed them of their happiness, and reduced them from the plentitude of opulence to the wretchedness of poverty and want." Under the third head, the preacher considers the duties incumbent on us in our present situation, "Penitence, "reformation, and prayer." To excite us to the performance of these duties, he addresses his hearers as follows: "It is indeed a delightful thought that the principles of the British constitution are placed on a solid basis, and have long survived the ruin of many despotic powers. While governments that once ranked high in the scale of influence, have lost their glory and been blotted out of the list of nations, we have preserved our name and our independence. The noble fabric of our ancient rights and liberties has stood unshaken, amidst all the storms and tempests which have threatened its destruc tion. "Yet, alas! the secret worm of corruption has begun to stab its vitals, and enfeebled its native strength. Our guides pay no regard to principle, are governed only by the lust of power, and delight to revel in their country's miseries. Imbecility marks their councils, folly guides their measures, rashness attends every enterprise, carnage, misery, and death bear their train. The dearest blessings of the nation are thrown away, and all its joys exposed to impending ruin. On the ocean of storms and tempests, we tremble for the safety of British privileges, and expect, with painful apprehension, the hour is near at hand, when all our remaining comforts will be completely shipwrecked. "Reform alone, with all its attendant benefits, can secure universal satisfaction and lasting peace. If this much to be desired object be withheld, discontent will follow; if persecution and tyranny be let loose, discord and revolu tion will be the certain consequence. A generous and enlightened nation will never tamely suffer a few ambitious men' to rob the people of their rights, and the sovereign of his glory." The discourse concludes with a solemn appeal to our countrymen, well suited to their present situation. The whole, accompanied with suitable notes, merits the serious attention of the public; and we sincerely hope, will be had in remembrance, when the great majority of our Jubilee Sermons are, happily for their authors, buried in oblivion. The Consequences of Unjust War: A Discourse delivered at Newbury, Feb. 28, 1810, being the day appointed for a General Fast; to which Authorities are appended in confirmation of the Facts asserted. By J.Bicheno, M.A. Johnson & Co. The Author of this Discourse is so well known and respected on account of his various important and useful writings, that it will be a sufficient recommendation of it, generally to remark, that it appears to be of equal importance with any of his former publications, and that the preacher again proves his right to those honourable appellations, so seldom, alas! merited by sound Politician-A Constitutional, our modern Fast-day divines Patriot, and a faithful preacher. A The Text to this discource is2 CHRON. Xix, 2. Shouldest thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord? Therefore is wrath upon thee from the Lord: which words the preacher, after explaining them in their connection with the context, applies to the conduct of our rulers during the late and present war, and considers them as properly "accommodated to the re naturally presented itself. After some observations on the corrupt and vitiated state of the governments on the continent in church and state, the author proceeds to the consideration of the French Revolution, on which grand event he makes the following just and discriminating re marks. "However great or many the errors and crimes of the actors in the French Revolution, yet it must be acknowledged, by all impartial persons, that by the constituent assembly, the great principles of liberty were sanctioned, and the rights of conscience proclaimed, to the nation. And we are to remember, that the enormous crimes which have disgraced that revolution, and brought liberty itself into disrepute, were not perpetrated in its first stages; but were the consequence of those attempts which were made by German despots to reduce the nation again to slavery, and to compel the people to resume the chains they had broken. Till this, so great a revolution was never effected with so little bloodshed. might have still lived; the first constitution of France might have still existed, improved and improving; and had not by plots and opposition; had they not the French been maddened to despair been taught the greatness of their strength by being obliged to exert it, and the weakness of their enemies by success, their monarchy might have been still confined within its former limits.-The nations were angry, and thy wrath is come! "This favoured isle, also, needlessly partook of the alarm. At first, indeed, the French revolution excited the admiration of a great majority of the people of this land of liberty; but, deceived by the misrepresentations of prejudiced and designing men, we turned to abhor what we had admired, and to mock at what soon proved itself to be, not an object of derision, but of dread. Instead of sympathizing with the distresses of a gallant people, and reprobating the oppressions which justified their revolt, we joined with the oppressors of mankind to compel them to resume their chains. No offers of reparation for real or supposed offences, committed in the paroxysnm the plots and machinations of the eneof national zeal, infuriated by mies of the liberty they were struggling to secure; no protestations which the sincerity of their wishes to maintain French government could make of the peace, and enter into union with this country, as the only country of freemen -as they themselves expressed it—wor thy of the alliance of a nation which had broken its chains, and aspired to liberty; no offers or protestations, though guaranteed by their dangers and interest, could divert this country from the fatal determination of joining in the crufend what we called religion. sade to restore the Bourbons, and de "And what wonder that the continental oppressors should take alarm? Had the French legislators gone to Vienna or Berlin, to draw from their archives those secrets of government by which the multitude may be degraded to beasts of burden, and subjected only to fawn and labour, no fault would have been found; but when they came to this favoured land of liberty, to learn from the immortal Locke those grand principles of the social compact, on which their new constitution might be founded; when they laid in its foundations such principles as these-' All men shall be considered as equal in the eye of the law-No person shall be molested « Thus did we make an enemy of the for his opinions, even such as are reli- only nation in the world that we had to gious, provided that the manifestation fear, and which was among the first of those opinions does not disturb the whose friendship we ought to have culpublic order established by the law- tivated. Thus, all our principles, as Society has a right to demand from freemen and protestants, and all the every public agent an account of his ad- motives of interest and humanity, were ministration: When the foundations of sacrificed to folly and delusion; and the their new constitution, I say, were comvery existence of the country put to posed of such materials as these, it was hazard in a cause as hopeless as it was not to be endured by German despots. unworthy. As to the providence of They were alive to the danger of such God, effecting the divine purposes—exan example; and flew to arms to strangle the liberty of France in its, birth. with the French revolution wastraordinary as every thing connected But for this interposition, Louis XVI. seemed scarcely to be thought of. - it |