the address (now read) to Sir F. Burdett, approving of his general conduct. 8. That the thanks of this meeting are due to our representative, Peter Moore, Esq. for the votes he has given during the present session of parliament, for his enlightened arguments and suggestions on the subject of finance; which cannot but be gratifying to a heavily burthened and oppressed people-and we feel peculiar satisfaction in acknowledging, that on the disscussion of every important question, he has been found at his post. 9. That the thanks of this meeting are due to the Right Hon. Lord Erskine, for his splendid and unanswerable arguments in vindication of the established laws of the land. 10. That the thanks of this meeting are also due to Lord Folkstone, Lord Cochrane, Sir S. Romilly, knt. General Mathew, Col. Wardle, S. Whitbread, Esq. W. A. Maddocks, Esq. H. C. Combe, Esq. Hon. T. Brand, Esq. and the rest of those independent representatives of the people, who are friends to reform. 11. That Peter Moore, Esq. and William Mills, Esq. be requested to present the address and petition to the house of Commons, (now read) from this meeting on these importam subjects; and that they be further requested to support the same. 12. That Mr. Flavel, by his impartial conduct in the chair, this day, is entitled to the thanks of this meeting. The following Address and Petition to the House of Commons, and letter to Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, were unanimously agreed to, ut a numerous Meeting of the Inhabitants, Householders, and Electors of the City of Coventry, held at the County Hall, the 5th, day of June, 1810. To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. The Address and Petition of the Inhabitants, Householders, and Electors of the City of Coventry, at a Public Meeting, held this 5th day of June, 1810. We, the inhabitants, householders, and electors of the City of Coventry, beg leave to approach your honourable house, as a necessary branch of that system, yourselves, individually, have solemnly engaged to preserve inviolate. -We feel particularly called upon at this awful conjuncture of affairs, when the very existence of our native land appears to be at stake, to represent in the plain language of truth, our feelings and opinions on the origin of those evils, that have reduced our once justly envied country, to its present alarming state of difficulty and danger.-To shut our eyes to the gathering clouds ;--to be aware that a mighty storm threatens our safety, and not to express our apprehensions of the consequences, would be treason against our Sovereign-against the venerable nobility of the land-against you against ourselves-against posterity!!-We, therefore, speak without dissimulation, and at once tell you, according to our honest judgment— CORRUPTION, practised in the management of public affairs, (which if not countenanced by your honourable house, has been suffered to prevail to an unexampled extent) is the grand source of all our evils-We respectfully entreat your honourable house to reflect on the state of Europe, twenty years past, and compare it with its present state-we would beg you to consider the lamentable change that has taken place in this kingdom, within the same period, and then calmly appeal to your consciences, and enquire whether the measures pursued by the different administrations, during this eventful time, have been marked either by a regard for the welfare of the humen race, or the principles of sound policy; unfortunately for us, the result presents a distressing conclusion. By the measures that have been adopted, we find our country deprived of nearly every foreign alliance, and the arms of almost every foreign power turned against us; the national debt swelled to an enormous amount;-the people groaning under an inquisitorial system of taxation;-and although in the midst of plenty, unable to obtain a due quantity of the common necessaries of life, for the maintenance of their families, however incessant their labour, These are calamities which we feel it our imperious duty to represent to your honourable house, from a conviction that they endanger your safety as well as our own.--We cannot look back to the proceedings recently exercised by your honourable house, in seizing and imprisoning John Gale Jones, and Sir Francis Burdett, under an undefined authority, without the deepest regret; as vented from reaching the royal earfered to remain at large--the public reconvicted defaulters and delinquents sufvenue, and lives of our fellow countrymen, sacrificed in disgraceful expeditions-a traffic of seats in your honourable house adinitted and defended-the national credit injured and Britain, suring your honourable house, that (di--the just complaints of the people prevested of all prejudices) it is our firm belief that you have acted contrary to the fundamental principles of those laws, you have sworn to defend.—As Englishmen we are willing to acknowledge, and ready to support, with our lives, every privilege you are justly entitled to; at the same time we declare before God and our country, we had rather give up our existence, than surrender to any power on earth, those blessings and advantages which our forefathers purchased with their blood.-In offering this address and petition, far be it from us to entertain the most distant wish to lessen the authority, the importance, or the character of your honourable housebut we cannot view the enormous patronage of the crown; the immense increase of sinecure places and pensionswe cannot witness the erection of barracks in every part of the kingdom--the introduction of foreign troops-our best interests neglected-the liberty of the subject restricted-good men persecuted the once justly boasted envy of the danger, without jealousy and alarm.— world, exposed to the most imminent Under these impressions, we pray your honourable house, to bring back parliament to its original duration;—to alpeople;-to apply those remedies in relow a more full and free suffrage of the dress of the numerous grievances we have stated, which our excellent constipeace, as the means of obtaining the ditution furnishes; and to cultivate your honourable house may attend to vine blessing and protection-and that the warning voice, ere it be too late, is our earnest supplication and prayer. ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE. ON THE NATURE AND NECESSITY places of election, and in the course OF PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. The necessity for a reform of parliament began to be felt so early as the reign of Elizabeth, for it was then found that many boroughs which returned members, were so much decreased in wealth and population, as not to be able to support the change, nor to furnish men of sufficient respectability within themselves, either as voters or members, as required by the 1. Henry V. c. 1. 7th Henry VI. 10. Henry VI. Although Henry VIII. and Edward VI. had both added to the number of counties and boroughs, to whom the privilege of sending members was granted or restoredApril 19th 1571. A bill was read a second time in the house of Commons, for repealing so much of the above statutes, as requires the residence of voters and members in the VOL. VIII. of the debate some of the members seem wisely to have anticipated the evils which have arisen from rotten boroughs, though no one seems to be remedied; the bold speculation to have comprehended how they were conceived; to let matters stand as of a general reform had never been they were, would have introduced parliament, and to repeal the old some of the lowest of the people into violation of the very principle of restatutes would have been a direct presentation; viz. that the residents in every county and borough should be represented by those whom they known, that they might the better knew, and to whom they were express their wants and sentiments. The virtual repeal of that part of the above statutes, which requires members to be resident, has become indispensible through lapse of time. and change of circumstances, but K k it is the unhappy cause why members and their constituents have so little sympathy with each other, and why the general interests of the nation are sacrificed to the private interests of the representative, and why the ministers of the crown have the controul of the house of Commons. Mr. Warnecomb of Hereford was the first speaker against the bill; and he" warned all burgesses to see that "this bill may touch and over-reach "their whole liberties, as not having whereunto to stay, but that "lord's letters should henceforth "have all the sway."-Mr. Norton spoke for the bill: he said, "that though the positive law required "that all men chosen should be residents, yet the choice should be "of such as are fit and able without respect of privilege, of place or "degree, for that the good of the "whole was rather intended than "that of any particular place, de66 gree or person. It is a pity that our ancestors had not had sufficient foresight to remedy the evil at its commencement, by disfranchising insignificant boroughs, and transforming the right of election to large towns, but it is not want of foresight in the crown, and the aristocracy, but either too great a foresight into their own interests, or an aversion to strengthen the power of the people by strengthening the representation.-A member whose name is not mentioned spoke to the following purport: "I run wholly with the pretence of the bill, that boroughs decayed, may be eased or relieved; how far this law may help them I know not: if they be decayed then it is most fit for them, that of their own company there may be some who feeling the smart, can best make relation of their state, and the country may derive such help, as without the hurt of other places may restore the old ruins. All things are in change, and nothing so suppressed but by I God's will, may in time by policy be raised up. The question shortly is, what sort of men are to come to this court, and public consultation in parliament; whether from every quarter, country and town. There should come home-dwellers, or otherwise men chosen by directions. am surely of opinion, that neither for the good service of her Majesty, the safety our country, or of our liberty, which of right we may challenge, being born subjects within the realm, this scope is to be given, or such looseness in choice permitted. The whole land of this realm is for three purposes employed, and thereby three sorts of men are created. The first for the glory of God, and the ministry of his word. The second for defence against our enemies by the sword. The third for our maintenance at home; the providers, executors, and devisers of all things requisite for a settled state, and of all these, regard and respect must be had. We may in regard of religion, lie in the dike, as the proverb sayeth, if we do nothing but pray for the help of Jupiter; we must not trust only to the sword, lest that which is said by Cicero should turn to our shame, parca sunt foris arma, nisi sit consilium domi. Neither our preaching, nor our praying are only sufficient, but we must do all in our power to help each other: this it is which hath moved our forefathers, and on this ground it hath grown; that we are to consider of all, and to alter, constitute, and reform things as cause shall be; and to this end, that they should be the very residents of the several counties of this kingdom, who should be here employed, doubtless it was the true intention of our antient kings and forefathers, who first began and established this court of parliament-For so the old precedents of parliamentary writers do teach; and I say this to no other end than, that there be here of all sorts and all countries, and not, (seeing you list so to term it,) to ease them of counties and boroughs, that they may choose them of whom they list; yet I can hardly call that a liberty which is contrary to that which the king and queen commonly grant as a free gift, by these words, dedimus potestatem quod de seipsis, eligant, duos burgenses, et duos cives. Great mischiefs and inconveniences may grow by this liberty. I will not speak thereof but dutifully, neither do I see any thing that is amiss at present. What happened a hundred years ago, I may safely tell, and thus it was: A duke of this realm wrote his letters to a city which I know, to this effect, whereby he did signify that a parliament was shortly to be summoned, and that for great causes: he was to crave aid of all his friends, and reckoning them among the rest, he wished them, of four under named, to choose two the letter under the duke's seal is still preserved; but hear the answer: he was written to with great humbleness, That they were forbidden by the law, they 'might choose none of them all.' "I will now venture a little nearer. In Queen Mary's time, a council of this realm, not the queen's council, did write to a town, to choose a bishop's brother, whom they assured to be a good catholic; the council was answered with law; and if all towns had acted so in their choice, the crown had not been so wronged nor the realm so robbed, at that parliament, and truth banished as it was. What hath been may be; there is no impossibility. "It will be said that I mistake, that it is not meant but that towns should choose whom they list. I say that too much liberty is often the loss of liberty, for when by law, they may do what they will, they may not well deny, what they shall be required. It is too truly said, rogando cogit, qui rogat portentior. Though now at this present, justice is so well administered, we need not fear the greatness of any man, yet hereafter, whatsoever hath been we may fear, cither for the maintenance of faction, or the maintenance of mischief.-We stand and have stood of late on the authority of parliament; and except without you keep the antient usage of the same, and the freedom thereof, in effect you do nothing, if I guess aright. "It is further said, that in some towns, there are not men of discretion fit: they be not the wiser, (said the gentleman who spoke before) for being burgesses. I mean it not so strictly, that those who should be chosen, must of necessity be dwellers in the town, but to be ei ther of the town, or near it at least, and to this effect I would have the bill to be framed:-It was meant at the first constitution of parliament, that men of every quarter, and of all sorts should come to this court, and that they should be fully chosen; to alter this without cause, is not convenient; to give every town liberty, may offer in time inconvenience.-None so fit for every county as those who know the same; to choose of their own is a liberty; to lose their liberty is a bad commodity. It seems to me that this law is to be inferred out of the preamble. Forasmuch as some towns are decayed, ond have not of their own, let them choose whom they list. And yet I could wish that according to the weight of the matter it might be rather staid on than thus abruptly over-ruled; that while we say, boroughs cannot send to this high court so fit men as be convenient, by altering the antient usage which is the only warrant and sole stay of freedom in parliament, it may haply he said we have no parliament within this sealm, nor liberty at all for any such to be holden.” Mr. Bell said," It was requisite that all places should be provided for, and not boroughs only; and that some of them have neither wealth to provide fit men, nor themselves are in any sort convenient: he thought it not amiss, if in respect of this defect, convenient supply should be, and for the objection of the ill that may ensue by lord's letters; he wished that there might be a penalty of forty pounds on every borough, that should make their election at any such nomination." Mr. Alfred, "thought that the first thing to be considered was the having sit men to hold the place of members; and noted great disorder in choosing young men, not experienced; from what motives or commands, he could not say, but the fact was to be seen: he would have none chosen under thirty years of age at the least ;-and for the choice of townsmen, he said, there should be one of their own, or some gentleman near; and the other of any place, so he were learned, and able to utter his mind and opinion." The bill was committed, but we hear no more of it; and for want of some regulation at that time, we have all seen the evils that have arisen in the commonwealth. Had our ancestors at that period been men of enlarged or enlightened minds, they would not have stuck at the letter of the law, or have proposed to alter it on so narrow a ground, they would at once have seen that there was no remedy for the evil, but that of transferring the right of election from declining, to flourishing towns; and thus keeping the elective franchise in the hands of a numerous and respectable body of electors. It is by their error that we suffer and have suffered the heaviest weight of oppressive taxation that any nation under the sun ever supported; and were it not for the freedom that is yet left to the peo ple, the freedom that is left in the parliament could not have saved us from perdition; for had not our representatives some fear yet left of, their constituents, some regard to public opinion, there is no saying how far they might go under an arbitrary minister. Should such a one as PITT ever again be found, to subjugate the remaining liberties of the nation, and to encrease the number of those who now most weakly and wickedly would prefer the tyranny of Bonaparte, to the tyranny of what they call a despotic parliament;-but thanks be to fortune, our parliament is not yet despotic; and if the people persevere in their demand of moderate reform, England may yet flourish blest and free, for many succeeding generations; but from radical reform, in the sense which some men mean it, may heaven in its goodness preserve us; for there is something that sounds so harsh and violent in tearing a thing up by the roots, except it be the most noisome weeds, that it goes to one's heart to think of it. us come to the root of the evil by degrees, and not go all at once to the root of the government, and tear up the good and the bad, that it contains, altogether, merely to substitute something new, some untried theory in its room; but let us reform, with the model of the present constitution, and merely alter and amend what has grown corrupt and rusty, through time and changes of circumstances; let us begin with septennial parliaments, and rotten boroughs, but let us have no compromise with corruption, by an indemnity to those British slave merchants, the aristocratical boroughmongers. Hav ing effected this, all that is desirable will follow in due time, without much effort or violence; and then, should heaven prolong the life of the tyrant, we might defy his me naces, should his years be extended Let |