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Was this then to be stop ped by a pecuniary penalty? If they succeeded in one voyage out of five they would have an abundant profit. If they fitted out 10 or 20 vessels and succeeded with only three or four their profits were ample; while whether successful or not, they spread devastation over Africa. While you levied your pence they would pocket their pounds, and laugh at your two penny penalty. He next adverted to the severity of the 10th. of George II. with respect to watermen overloading their boats with people, in which cases, if one was drowned by any accident, the boatman was to be transported for seven years. The punishment would be much more applicable to the slave merchant. It had been said that the divine legislator had not forbidden this crime. He would show that he had. "Whosoever stealeth a man and selleth "him shall be surely put to death," and our gloss on that was, Whosoever stealeth, tortureth, and selleth a man for interminable slavery, shall be fined 20l. He hoped the house would leave nothing unattempted to give full eflect to the abolition act, which he called the most holy of laws, and concluded by moving, that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, stating in substance, that the abolition law had not been attended with the desired effect in putting an end to this traffic, be seeching his Majesty to take further steps for promoting this great object, &c. &c.

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was, however, one passage in the address proposed by the honourable and learned gentleman, of which he could not so entirely approve, as he did of all the rest. The passage to which he alluded was, that which went to pledge the house to the adop tion of some specific measure next sessions. The very different views different men who agreed as to the object might take, as to the efficacy or propriety of the means proposed, made it desirable to omit any passage that went to pledge the house to a specific plan. He should therefore suggest to the learned gentleman the propriety of altering that passage.

Mr. Marriat and Mr. W. Smith spoke to the necessity of enforcing. as far as it could be done, a general co-operation on the part of neutrals in support of the abolition. They concurred in thinking that his Majesty's government might have made the co-operation of their Spanish and Portugueze allies the preliminary of of their treaty with those powers, and the condition of their assistance.

Mr. Stephen spoke against the slave trade, which he denounced as an unnatural species of commerceequally impolitic and iniquitous. He vindicated, in warm terms, the zealous and active sincerity of his Majesty's government in their efforts to second the object of the legislature in inviting the co-operation of foreign pow ers to repress and destroy that abominable traffic. He denied that the carrying on that trade in the colo

ly prove injurious to those of Great Britain; but whether it would or would not, he would be at all times ready to thank his God that this great commercial country had taken a lead, worthy of her eminence and her morality, in giving to the rest of the world a suitable example, by abandoning that odious traffic.

Mr. Perceval approved of the lead-nies of other powers, would ultimateing sentiments of the speech of the honourable and learned gentleman. He concurred with him as to the expediency and propriety of the object he had in view, and expressed himself most anxious to embrace every rational means to carry into full effect the provisions of the abolition net-a measure which always had, and ever would have, his sinfere and zealous support. There

Mr. Canning, in a short speech, vindicated the sincerity of his own

efforts, when in power, to arrest the progress of that trade. With respect to the requiring the Spanish and Portugueze powers to give their co-operation, he contended that it was impossible, at such a delicate crisis, to have made with effect any such requisition.

Mr. Hibbert thought that there was a political expediency in keep ing down the slave trade of foreign colonies, since we had abandoned it in our own. He said that since the passing of the abolition act, a single slave had not been introduced into Jamaica.

Mr. Brougham said, that as there had been in the course of the discussion no material opposition given to what he had stated in his speech, he should not feel it necessary to make any reply; he would explain, however, in one or two points, respect ing which he had been misunder stood. He did not intend to reflect at all upon the sincerity or diligence of his Majesty's government, in seconding the act of abolition, he was willing to give them credit for both. It had been said that American slave ships had frequently been in the habit of sailing under the protection of government licences. This he distinctly denied upon the authority of those best competent to know, whether that statement was true or false, and whom he pronounced to be men of as high honour, rank, and information, as any connected with that government; after some further observations, he concluded with exhorting the house not to delay resorting to such measures as in their wisdom would appear best calculated to prevent the evasions and violations of the act. He concurred in the propriety of the suggestion of Mr. Perceval, and substituted in a resolution for the word "adopt," the words "will take into their consideration such measures, &c. &c."

The address and resolution, so al tered, were then carried nem. con.

VOTE OF CREDIT BILL.

Mr. Whitbread, on the question for the third reading of the vote of credit bill, rose and said, that anxious as he was to bring before the house some distinct questions upon the state of the nation, he had, on account of the late period of the sessions, and the consequent thinness of attendance on the part of the members, thought it better to take the opportunity the present question af forded him, of offering to the house those observations he had to make upon that subject. And his first observation was that the present sessions, though long and laborious, has been much too short; for the business which was to be done in the last fortnight, in the course of which gentlemen attended, night after night, expecting their respective questions to come on, and so attended in vain, was a sufficient proof of this. The right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) seemed to be so sensible of this, that he had expressed his intention of introducing some regulation next sessions for the making notices and orders have reciprocally precedence on alternate days. How far such a regulation would be found desirable he would not say, but he should certainly be adverse to any proposition that would interfere with the undoubted right of every member to make a motion on the sudden. The occasions for such motions must be rare, but the principle was not for that reason to be given up. Having said thus much, he would now observe upon one or two subjects, respecting which he had had an opportunity of speaking before in the course of that sessions. The first was, that of Jeffery the scaman. He had made every inquiry respecting the fate of this man, and in the prosecution of these inquiries, acknowledged himself to have been much aided by the prompt assistance of the board of admiralty, and the result of all was, that he had

every reason to believe that Jeffery was alive, and carrying on his trade of a blacksmith, in Beverly, in America. He hoped that the noble marquis at the head of the foreign department would take effectual means to have Jeffery brought home in safe ty to his native country and to his friends. The next subject was that of the Report of the committee on the exchequer bills funded. He had the honour of being chairman of that committee, and from his personal knowlege of all that passed, he felt himself constrained to say, that he did not think, though the age of the person alluded to might render him a fitter object of lenity than punishment, still he could not think that that person, Sir John Peters, ought to continue any longer in office as paymaster. At the same time he was willing to do the same justice in a way more agreeable to his feelings to another individual, Mr. Planta. He thought Mr. Planta an honest man and a meritorious officer. He could not say the same of Mr. Paylethorpe. He thought it very questionable whether that gentleman should be suffered to retain his situation. Indeed, for himself he had no doubt that Mr. Paylethorpe ought to retire from the office he held-so much as to the persons involved in that report. During the present session many things had been expected which had not taken place. Among others, the least expected, surely, was not the dissolution of the present ministry. The first lord of the admiralty must be aware that a change of opinion in the administrations of this country had taken place. He had vacated his seat for Cambridgeshire for the sinecure of teller of the exchequer; he had afterwards been rejected by his former constituents at the county of Cambridge, and was returned for the borough of St. Germains; but being afterwards raised to the situation of first lord of the admiralty, his re-election for St. Germains again

became necessary. The right hon. gentleman had formerly stood in a different situation. He had been secretary of state under a former administration; when that administration stood in a majority of no more than 34 they thought proper to withdraw from the management of public affairs. The administration, however, and the circumstances of public affairs, were now different from what they were at that period; and there was, besides, something peculiar in the mode in which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Yorke) had vacated his seat, and had been elected to another. He vacated his seat just before the ministers were left in the minority on the question for going into an inquiry on the Walche ren expedition. The right hon. gen tleman returned to parliament on the first division of the committee on the affairs of public finance, in which, though the ministers had a majority in point of numbers, yet that majority was so trifling that it was surprising that ministers should have thought of retaining their places.Still, however, they continued to do so. The votes on the ministerial side of the house were often carried by a very small majority, often by the very narrowest majority, and sometimes even ministers were left in the minority. In the bullion committee, of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was a member, he had been defeated in the very principle of that grand and interesting question, which went even to affect the vitals of the present system.— The Chancellor of the Exchequer's minority on this opinion was 4 to

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In the time of Mr. Pitt, in the year 1797, such a hint would have been esteemed sufficient to purchase a resignation. Now, however, the house reposed too much confidence in ministers, and this was the use made of it. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Perceval) had too long postponed the meeting of the present

parliament. He now proposed that it should rise too early; and there was equally little doubt that parliament would not again assemble till the latest possible period for the meeting of any session, or till the last guinea was spent, or the disaffections of the cabinet rendered their meeting necessary. Last year the whole vote of credit granted was three millions, when the war with Aústria was just commenced. If three millions were then all that were required, why should we now require an equal sum, when we had no place on the continent to go to; or for what purpose could it be employed except to protract the meeting of parliament.He proceeded to notice the papers relative to Mr. Erskine, and maintained, that, though the documents did not justify him in making the motion he had intended, still it by no means appeared that Mr. Erskine had acted in contradiction to the spirit of his instructions. Fortunately the steps lately taken by the French against America gave reason to expect a recommencement of friendly relations between that country and this. As to Sicily, he begged to enforce on ministers the precarious nature of such an alliance. This connexion could only exist between us from day to day, and France, from being the least, might, in consequence of the late marriage, become the most favoured of all nations. Besides, the principle of the court of Palermo was at all times proverbial; and there was reason to believe, that the English bayonets kept the people from attacking the government! If then the vote of credit was not meant for America or Sicily, he begged to ask, was it to go to the relief of Spain and Portugal? He regretted that the session should have been allowed to pass without some question having been agitated on this subject. He proceeded to take a view of the various disappointments and causes of complaint which our

army had encountered in Spain, that, in fact, we had been treated as if we had gone into an hostile country. The Spaniards were not true to themselves. He wished to see Lord Wellington and his brave army in England. When he fought he was convinced the battle would be glorious; but at the same time, he feared it would be similar to what Lord Wellington said as to the battle of Talavera-it would be a fruitless victory. Spain seemed to be a gulph for swallowing up the arms sent to her relief by England, for, no sooner were they put into the hands of the Spaniards than they found their way into those of the French. The honourable gentleman next alluded to the attempt to steal away Ferdinand the Seventh, a piece of absurdity unworthy of the noble lord who sanctioned it; which had not even the consent of Ferdinand himself, of whom they would not have known how to have disposed, even had they succeeded in stealing him away. South America, he was of opinion, might be of the greatest importance to this country, after the continent of Europe was lost to us. The conquest of it was not to be desired, but its commerce was great. The grant of the money, however, could not be for this object, and therefore he was against the bill, though he should not press it to a division.

Mr. Canning contended, that when ministers had so conducted themselves, as to be able to manage the government of the country during the session of parliament, it should not be left without the ordinary powers of government at the expiry of the session. It could not be the meaning of the hon. member to argue, that because an administration was weak, it ought to be deprived of these ordinary means. To argue so, the hon. gentleman having so often postponed the present question, would be to admit that he had been

guilty of what he was not very apt to do deserting his duty. He expected the hon. gentleman would have introduced his motion for peace, as he had done on former years. He probably had changed his opinion on this subject; or if it was only an omission, that was a convincing proof that the subject had made a more faint impression than usual on the hon. gentleman's mind. The ight hon. gentleman argued strongly on the propriety of our supporting the cause of Spain, even were we to 'be governed by motives purely disinterested. But supposing our motives to be interested, even then, he contended, we were the more imperiously called on to guard the outworks, and not wait till our very citadel was attacked. He concluded with observing, that Mr. Erskine had violated the letter and spirit of his instructions:-the former, inasmuch as having been directed to do a certain thing, he had done another; and the latter, inasmuch as having been directed to concede only upon terms of reciprocity, he had Conceded without any reciprocity whatever.

Mr. Whitbread in explanation, adverted to the general scope of the right hon gentleman's speech, which was in fact, no answer to him, but which seemed to have been prepared rather as a reply to a speech expect ed from a right hon. friend of his, who had announced his intention of bringing forward a motion upon the subject of Spain. That, motion, however, was abandoned; but yet the right hon. gentleman was resolved that this prepared speech should not be lost, and therefore the house had been entertained by his display of eloquence. With regard to the allusion made by the right hon. gentleman. to his opinion respecting peace, he could assure the right hon. gentleman, that he had not abjured, as he seemed to suppose, any opinion he had ever expressed upon that

point.-He still thought, that up to the invasion of Spain, the continuance of the war was SOLELY OWING TO THIS COUNTRY. For the termination of that war he still naturally wished and hoped, and he confessed that his hope of peace was considerably encouraged by the circumstance of the right hon. gentleman's exclusion from the cabinet. As to the misconduct or cruelty ascribed to Bonaparte, he believed that nothing of the kind could exceed that actually committed by Lord Wellesley in India. It did not, therefore, become the friends of the noble marquis to be so forward and loud in their complaints against Bunaparte. In concluding, the hon. member took notice of the omisssion of ministers to advert to the singular attempt to steal Ferdinand the Seventh from France, an attempt which these ministers could not deny or venture to justify.

Sir H. Montgomery, perceiving that the hon. gentleman having no personal knowledge, must have derived his information relative to the Marquis of Wellesley's conduct in India, from other sources, undertook to say, that such information was totally false.

Mr. Whitbread asked whether the hon. baronet could deny, or would attempt to vindicate, the conduct practiced towards the Nabob of Arcot, who was given into the hands of his enemics, and never more heard of, on the invasion of the territory, with all its consequent cruelties?

Sir H. Montgomery asserted that, to his knowledge, Lord Wellesley was 2400 miles from the spot when the Nabob of Arcot was so surrendered.

Mr. Whitbread observed, that such might be the case, but that none of the cruelties which took place in Spain were upon the same principle attributable to Bonaparte. For they were not committed by him but by the army. Probably, indeed, Bonaparte was as little concerned as Lord

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