neasure?

. . . [The people) split up into gangs of 12. Can you decide whether he thought the embargo a partisans of A, B, C, and D, without knowing why

1. Views of Adams as to the settlement of the West they prefer one to another. Caucuses, County, State,

and Indian rights to land. 2. What stand did he take and National Conventions, public dinners, and dinner as to signatures to treaties, and why was he so decided table speeches two or three hours long, constitute the about it? 3. Form an opinion of Adams as a diplomat. operative power of electioneering; and the parties are

4. How long before his election do you find him to be a

presidential possibility? 5. Why was he so much gratof working men, temperance reformers, Anti-Masons,

ified at his election to the House of Representatives? Union and States-Rights men, Nullifiers, and, above 6. What does he regard as the causes of the opposition all, Jackson men, Van Buren men, Clay men, Calhoun to him in Congress? 7. Compare the views of Wirt and men, Webster men, and McLean men, Whigs and

Adams as to implied powers in the constitution. 8. Tories, Republicans and Democrats, without one ounce

Can you determine whether Adams opposed the Louisi

ana purchase? 9. Determine his views as to expansion of honest principle to choose between them.-Ibid.,

in general. 10. What conditions affected them in some IX, 187 (1834).

cases that are now non-existent? The system of administration for the government of

f 1. What solutions of the slavery problem did Adams

suggest? 2. Which one was highly prophetic of the histhe Union is radically and, I believe, irretrievably

torical solution? 3. Find prophetic elements in the vitiated-vitiated at the fountain. The succession to others as far as possible. 4. Why could not Adams be the Presidency absorbs all the national interests, and

popular in the West? 5. What were his views as to

Texas in 18192 6. Much later? 7. How nearly corthe electioneering contests are becoming merely venal.

rect was his judgment as to the S. A. republics? 8. My hopes of the long continuance of this Union are What can you learn of projects to dissolve the Union ? extinct. The people must go the way of all the world, 9. How near did Adams come to favoring a dissolution

of it? 10. What were his views at different periods as and split up into an uncertain number of rival com

to its stability? 11. What did he think of nullification? munities, enemies in war, in peace friends.-Ibid.,

12. Of the abolitionists and of abolition? 13. Collect IX, 162 (1834).

his views on all possible phases of the slavery question. QUESTIONS.

14. How important did Adams consider the work of

internal improvements? 15. How much of the Monroe 1. What can you find about Adams's early training Doctrine can you find? 16. What did Adams think of and education? 2. At what age did he attend college? the public lands? 3. At wbat age was he sent on a foreign mission ? 4. 1. Sum up the personal traits of J. Q. Adams. 2. State the circumstances. 5. What were his views of What elements of character contributed to his successoffice holding? 6. What languages do you find him ful career. 3. Write his life based on these extracts. studying at one time? 7. How wide was his range of 4. What points are too obscure for satisfactory treatreading?

ment? 5. Which of the questions of his time are open 1. Why did Adams approve of the Jay treaty? 2 questions to-day? 6. On which of the settled questions To what did he attribute its defects? 3. Compare his was he right? 7. On which was he wrong? 8. Were views of the tariff and the Navigation Act. 4. Where there any changes in views due to wider experience or in are they similar subjects? 5. What were the rela to changed conditions? 9. Which of your answers to tions of Adams to the political parties of his time? 6. the above questions are you sure of? 10. Which are What were his views of parties and partisanship? merely an opinion. 11. Which questions are unanswer7. What reasons did he give for any change of party? able from the given data? 12. Consider the value of 8. What did he think the duty of the Senate as to ap the material of this study. 13. What are your conclupointments? 9. What was his influence in the Senate sions concerning the man? 14. Ask and answer other first and last? 10. What change occurred in his po questions of your own? 15. Use the questions of last litical prospects while in the Senate, and why? 11. month so far as they are adapted to this study. What was his position on the einbargo and its effect?

F. G. FRANKLIN.

Studies in Economics. 11. Steady Prices.

constrained to look upon the parties to a barTHE splitting of the question of prices into gain as confronted with a sudden situation; not

the two titles of “steady” and “fluctu- that the two frontiersmen had not, for some

ating” is in order to allow the applica- time before, foreseen the mere possibility of tion of the test of Time. The words “steady" making an exchange, but that exchanges with and “fluctuating” do not of course indicate them were a matter of such rare occurrence that principles; they are simply characteristic of the they were not reduced to a plan and system, general conditions in which principles may be and were not involved in a complexity of prepanalyzed. They indicate results the causes of aration. In fact it is the simplicity of the which must be inquired into, but not the causes preparation upon which we must lay stress, for themselves. We have seen that a primitive-se groot economy offers conditions under which we ap

3 account as an element too in

American History Studies

H. W. CALDWELL, Editor

O

II. John Quincy Adams (1767-1848)

PASSY, September the 27th, 1778. NE of the few really learned legislators

HONOURED MAMMA,-My Pappa enjoins it apon me

to keep a journal, or a diary of the Events that happen in American history is presented in this

to me, and of objects that I see, and of Characters that study. Every opportunity almost that

I converse with from day to day; and altho. I am could in any way tend to prepare him for this convinced of the utility, importance & necessity of this work was his. As a boy with his father he

Exercise, yet I have not patience and perseverance

enough to do it so Constantly as I ought. My Pappa, became familiar with Europe and its states

who takes a great deal of Pains to put me in the right men. His youthful years were passed in the

way, has also advised me to Preserve copies of all my midst of diplomats, and at an extremely early letters, & has given me a Convenient Blank Book for age he became one of the foreign ministers of this end; and altho I shall have the mortification a few his country. At home he was senator, secre

years hence to read a great deal of my Childish nontary of state, president, and congressman.

sense, yet I shall have the Pleasure and advantage of

Remarking the several steps by which I shall have adBut during all the years of his public life he

vanced in taste judgment and knowledge. A journal was ever the hard and persistent student. Sys- Book & a letter Book of a Lad of Eleven years old Can tem in everything characterizes his methods. not be expected to contain much of Science, LitteraThe result was that before his death he had ac

ture, arts, wisdom, or wit, yet it may serve to perpetu

ate many observations that I may make, & may cumulated a mass of information that was al

hereafter help me to recollect .both persons & things most phenomenal. His knowledge of history,

– Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, I., 7-9. especially of his own country, was deep and

In April, 1785, soon after the appointment minute. Adams had some faults of disposition

of his father as Minister to England, he wrote: that detracted from his lovableness, but when all

Were I now to go with him, probably my immedihas been said, he yet remains one of the great

ate satisfaction might be greater than it will be in recharacters in our country's history.

turning to America. After having been travelling for Mr. F. G. Franklin, instructor in American these seven years almost all over Europe, and having history in the University, has prepared the ex- been in the world, and among company, for three; to tracts for this number. They tell much of the

return to spend one or two years in the pale of a Collife, and indicate clearly the thought, of Adams lege, subjected to all the rules which I have so long

been freed from; then to plunge into the dry and tedion most of the great questions of his day. The

ons study of the Law for three years;

.! necessity of cutting out many chosen passages, I am determined that so long as I shall be able to get in order to reduce the article to its space limits, my own living in an honorable manner, I will depend will explain some gaps in this number as well upon no one. My Father has been so much taken up

all his lifetime with the interests of the public, that as in the preceding, and I doubt not in many of

his own fortune has suffered by it; so that his children the succeeding numbers.

will have to provide for themselves, which I shall

never be able to do, if I loiter away my precious time Parts of letters to his father and to his

in Europe and shun going home until I am forced to it. mother show us the boy first at his home, and

With an ordinary share of common sense, which I then at a school in France:

hope I enjoy, at least in America I can live independBRAINTREE, June the 2nd, 1777.

ent and free; and rather than live otherwise I would DEAR SIR, I love to receive letters very well; much

wish to die before the time when I shall be left at my better than I love to write them. I make but a poor

own discretion.-Ibid., 21. figure at composition, my head is much too fickle, my In the published portions of his diary thoughts are running after birds eggs play and trifles,

(twelve volumes, extracted by his son from till I get vexed with myself. Mamma has a trouble

several times as much material) the account of some task to keep me steady, and I own I am ashamed

his official life begins as follows: of myself.

I wish, Sir, you would give me some instructions, with regard to my time, & On the 3rd day of June, 1794, when I returned to my advise me how to proportion my Studies & my Play, in lodgings at the close of the evening, upon opening a writing, & I will keep them by me, & endeavor to letter from my father, which I had just before taken follow them.

from the Post-office, I found it contained information that Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State of the The following account of his life in Holland United States, had, on the morning of the day when

(July, 1796) shows how he became so valuable: the letter was dated, called on the writer, and told him that the President of the United States had determined The reading of the month has carried me through to nominate me to go to the Hague as Resident Minis: Luzac's Richesse de la Hollande, and the Traité Général ter from the United States. This intelligence was very

de Commerce; .. the Life of Dumouriez, Garat's unexpected, and indeed surprising. I had laid down Memoirs, and Pratt's Gleanings. Of all these books I. as a principle, that I never would solicit for any public have made mention, and some slight observations at Office whatever, and from this determination no ne- the time of finishing, and also of Pitt's translation of cessity has hitherto compelled me to swerve.

the Aeneid, Rowe's Lucan, which I have gone through, I wish I could have been consulted before it was and Garth's compilation of the Metamorphoses, which irrevocably made. I rather wish it had not been made I have not yet finished. To improve in the Dutch Lanat all. My friends, on the other hand, appear much guage I have usually translated a page every day; and pleased with it, and seem to consider it as a subject of after going thus through the Constitution of the Napure and simple congratulation.-I bid., 31-32.

tional Assembly, which is now in session, I took the This appointment was the result of his writ

Introduction to Rendorp's Memoirs. I shall give the ings on the Genet controversy, which "placed preference to all interesting state papers; because I send

the translations to the Secretary of State, and thus Mr. Adams indisputably in the front rank of

answer two good purposes at once. My progress in the controversial writers of his time.” While Italian is slow, and I can only translate two or three in London on his way to Holland he spent three stanzas of Tasso at a time. The language itself is endays with John Jay discussing the new English

chanting, but, with no opportunity to speak or hear it treaty:

spoken, my advances are very small, and, with my

other occupations, I may perhaps grow tired of that. It is far from being satisfactory to those gentlemen;

To keep alive my Latin, I have begun to translate a it is much below the standard which I think wonld be

page of Tacitus every day, and am going through the advantageous to the country; but, with some altera

life of Agricola, which in the year 1784, at this place, I tions which are marked down, and to which it seems

translated into French.

My other writthere is a probability they will consent, it is, in the

ing is principally confined to writing and answering opinion of the two plenipotentiaries, preferable to a

letters, or to the journal.-Ibid., 176-7. war, and when Mr. Jay asked me my opinion, I answered that I could only acquiesce in that idea.

While in London he wrote in his diary for As a Treaty of Commerce, this Treaty will indeed be July 26, 1797: of little use to us, and we never shall obtain anything

At nine this morning

I was married to more favorable, so long as the principles of the Naviga

Louisa Cath ne Johnson, the second daughter of tion Act are so obstinately adhered to in this country.

Joshua and Catharine Johnson, by Mr. Hewlett. - I bid., This system is so much a favorite with the nation, that

199. no Minister would dare depart from it.-Ibid., 48-49. A few days later he writes:

Both lived to celebrate in Quincy, Mass., the

semi-centennial of this event. There is something so fascinating in the women I meet with in this country, that it is well for me I am The political revolution of 1800, bringing into obliged immediately to leave it.-Ibid., 55.

power Jefferson and the Republican party, inFour months later in Holland a visit from terrupted John Quincy Adams's diplomatic caMadame Palm Daelders and the perusal of some

reer abroad. January 28, 1802, he wrote: of her writings calls out this opinion:

I feel strong temptation and have great provocation But it is in vain to labor and toil against the pre- to plunge into political controversy. But I hope to prescriptions of nature. Political subserviency and do- serve myself from it by the considerations which have mestic influence must be the lot of woman, and those led me to the resolution of renouncing. A politician in who have departed the most from their natural sphere,

this country must be the man of a party. I would fain are not those who have shown the sex in their most

be the man of my whole country.”—Ibid., 249. amiable light. -I bid., 81.

In the d ary, October 21, 1803, he wrote: Other missions followed to Great Britain and

At eleven this morning I took my seat in the Senate to Prussia. Washington wrote of him in 1797:

of the United States. I give it as my decided opinion that

The following extracts from his diary reveal Mr. Adams is the most valuable public character we

the character and views of Mr. Adams at this have aboard, and there remains no doubt in my mind that he will prove himself to be the ablest of our diplo- period: matic corps. - Ibid., 194.

I have already seen enough to ascertain that no amendments of my proposing will obtain in the Senate have excited jealousies, with little more real influence as now filled.-Ibid., 270.

than heretofore.

On most of the great Unanimous consent was necessary (for declaring war national questions now under discnssion, my sense of with Morocco) and I alone objected. My principle was, duty leads me to support the administration, and I find that a declaration of war was the last thing in the myself of course in opposition to the federalists in geno world to make with unusual precipitation.-Ibid., 273. eral. --I bid., 497. The country is so totally given up to the spirit of

I fully opened to him (Quincy) my motives for supparty, that not to follow blindfold the one or the other porting the administration at this crisis (danger of is an inexpiable offence.-Ibid., 282.

war with England), and my sense of the danger which The cooperation of the Senate in all appointments is a spirit of opposition is bringing upon the Union. I at present a mere formality, and a very disgusting told him where that opposition in case of war must in formality.-Ibid., 320.

its nature end-either in a civil war, or in a dissolution In public affairs, it appears to me, there is no quality of the Union, with the Atlantic States in subserviency more useful and important than good humor, because to Great Britain. That to resist this I was ready, if it operates continually to soften the asperities that are

necessary, to sacrifice everything I have in life, and continually rising in the collisions of adverse interests

even life itself.-Ibid., 510. and opinions,

.-Ibid., 377. My political prospects continue declining. (January

The following entry (June 8, 1808 ) will 1, 1806.)-Ibid., 380.

mark the close of this period: Feeble and insignificant as my influence upon the I found on going into State Street, that Mr. counsels of the nation is, I feel a load of responsibility Wheaton's Anti-embargo resolutions were yesterday weighing upon me to the utmost I can bear. Honest adopted by the Senate (of Massachusetts). I therefore intention and sincerity must be my only substitute for this day sent a letter to the two Houses with my more efficacious powers. - Ibid., 395.

resignation of my seat as a Senator of the United Constitutional difficulties never will stand in the

States. -Ibid., 535. way of a majority

even in so select a

In 1809 President Madison appointed John body as the Senate of the United States, a mere varia

Quincy Adams minister to Russia and later he tion of phrase will contrive a loophole to creep from the most barefaced usurpation of power. -Ibid., 417.

was prominent among the American peace com

missioners at Ghent. September 25, 1814, he In the afternoon I was installed as Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory (at Harvard, June 12, 1806). —

wrote: Ibid., 441.

in repelling an insolent charge of the My defects of elocution are incurable, and amidst so British Plenipotentiaries against the government of many better speakers, when the debates are to be re- the United States, of a system of perpetual encroachported, I never speak without mortification. The process ment upon the Indians under pretence of purchases, I of reasoning in my mind is too slow for uninterrupted

had taken the ground of the moral and religious duty articulation. My thoughts arise at first confused, and of a nation to settle, cultivate, and improve their terrirequire time to shape into a succession of sentences. tory--a principle perfectly recognized by the law of Hence the transition from thought to thought is awk

nations, and in my own opinion, the only solid and unward and inelegant, and expression often fails me to ac- answerable defense against the charge in the British complish a sentence commenced; so that I often begin note. Gallatin saw and admitted the weight of the a thought with spirit and finish it with nonsense. argument, but was afraid of ridicule. The chain of my argument often escapes me, and when

the terms God, and Providence, and Heaven, Mr. lost can seldom be retrieved. I then finish as I can, Clay thought were canting, and Russell laughed at without producing half the arguments I proposed be- them. I was obliged to give them up, and with them fore I began to speak. These faults would be so over- what I thought the best argument we had.—Memoirs, powering that I should sink into perpetual silence,

III., 42. from mere impotence, were it not that sometimes in the

Clay and Gallatin were associated with Adams ardor of debate, when my feelings are wound up to a

to negotiate a convention to regulate commerce high tone, elocution pours itself along with unusual rapidity, and I have passages which would not shame

and navigation with Great Britain. Adams a good speaker: this is the only thing that makes me

writes of it when drawn up: tolerable to others or to myself.-Ibid., 445.

I observed then that there had been another error, (December 31, 1807.) My general consideration both in the preamble and in the order of signatures, at among my fellow-citizens, though not marked by any Ghent, which it would be necessary to avoid repeating new public testimonial in the course of the year, has at present.

in the copies on both sides been to my observation apparently rising. During the the King of Great Britain and the British Plenipotenpresent session of the Senate my standing in that body tiaries were first named; and .

the sig. has been singular-apparently so distinguished as to natures ail followed each other in succession, the

American Plenipotentiaries signing under those of enter upon the functions of my office with a deep sense Great Britain. The usage of all treaties between of the necessity of union with my colleagues, and with European sovereigns we understood to be what is a suitable impression that my place is subordinate; that called the alternative, each of the parties and his pleni- my duty will be to support, and not to counteract or potentiaries being first named in the copy which he oppose, the President's administration, and that if from receives; the signatures of the respective plenipoten- any cause I should find my efforts to that end ineffecttiaries being on a line and alternate-those of each ual, it will be my duty seasonably to withdraw from party signing first in the copy which he receives. the public service

.-Ibid., 502-04. . I told Goldburn that if he would take the

The following extracts from his report of an trouble of inquiring at the foreign office he would find

interview with the British Minister, Canning, it a universal usage.

if he would have a draft copy made out

as they intended

on the Oregon question, will indicate the vigorto execute their copy, and send it to me, I would have ousness of his diplomacy: our copy made out corresponding to it,

But you will understand that I am not pleased either They promised to send me such a draft copy.

with the grounds upon which you have sought this con[A day later ] Mr. Gallatin then said that I must

ference, nor with the questions which you have seen give the transcriber orders to make out the copy with

fit to put to me.

The members of the out any alteration in the body of the treaty; which I legislature of this country are not only perfectly indeperemptorily refused, and added, in a heated and angry

pendent of the Executive, but the Executive cannot manner, “Mr. Gallatin, you and Mr. Clay may do as permit itself to be questioned by any foreign minister you please, but I will not sign the treaty without the

upon anything said or done by them. And as little do alternative observed throughout.” “Now, don't fly

I admit your right to ask any question of our intentions off in this manner," said Mr. Gallatin. “Indeed, Sir,"

with regard to the mouth of Colombia River. said I, “I will not sign the treaty in any other form. "No," said I, “I have not heard that you claim I am so far from thinking with Mr. Clay that it is of

exclusively any part of the moon; but there is not a no importance, that I think it by much the most im

spot on this habitable globe that I could affirm you do portant thing that we shall obtain by this treaty.”- not claim; and there is none which you may not claim Ibid., III, 243 (1815).

with as much color of right as you can have to ColomMany rumors of his probable appointment as

bia River or its mouth."

“Sir," said Secretary of State under Monroe reached Mr.

I, “yon may report to your Government just what you please

every word that I have said to Adams in England. December 24, 1816, he

you not only now, but at any time, or that I ever shall wrote:

say, provided you report nothing but the truth, as I I had no expectation, or belief, that the office would have no doubt you will."

"But, be offered to me, until the receipt of my mother's let

I request you to state explicitly, that I took ter, and now I consider it still a matter of great uncer- strong exception both to the form and to the substance tainty. The question whether I ought to accept the of your application to me on this occasion. To the place, if it should be offered, is not without difficulties form, because you came to put questions to me of an in my mind. A doubt of my competency for it is very irritating nature upon the foundation of the speeches sincerely entertained, and ought perhaps to be decisive. and reports of individual members of Congress; and to At all events, if I could be rationally justified in ac

the substance, because the questions were of a nature cepting it, if offered, I perceive no propriety in taking

which we do not admit your right to ask. any step whatever to seek it.-Ibid., 458.

the tone and manner assumed by you in reply con

vinced me that nothing useful to either party could reSome months later he wrote to his mother:

sult from any further verbal conference between us." The manner in which the President has thought -1bid., V, 244-254. proper to nominate me was certainly honorable to himself, as it was without any intimation from me, or, as

The following extracts contain some views of far as I knew, from any of my friends, which could

Adams's concerning his elevation to the presioperate as an inducement to him. His motives were dency and his duty therein: altogether of a public nature;

our senti- To one thing, however, I had made up my mind; I ments upon subjects of great public interest have at would take no one step to advance or promote pretensions particular periods of our public life been much at vari- to the presidency. If that office was to be the prize of ance. That they may be so again is as certainly not cabal and intrigue, of purchasing newspapers, bribing impossible. If I had any present reason for expecting by appointments, or bargaining for foreign missions, I it, I should deem it my duty to decline the office had no ticket in that lottery. Whether I had the qual.

Ever since his appointment to the Department ifications necessary for the President of the United of State has brought me into official relations with him, States was, to say the least, very doubtful to myself. I have known few of his opinions with which I did not But that I had no talent for obtaining the office by oordially concur.

For myself, I shall such means was perfectly clear.-Ibid., V, 298 (1891).

.

.