drawing the troops from Louisiana, in 1877, may be seen in this extract:

The electoral commission decided that the Louisiana returning board was a legal and constitutional body competent to do what it did. What it did do was to declare who were the presidential electors of that State; it did also declare who were the legislature; and the Legislature, performing a mere ministerial duty, declared who was the governor; and I stand here, if I stand alone, to say that the honor and the credit and the faith of the Republican party, in so far as the election of Hayes and Wheeler is concerned, are as indissolubly united in maintaining the rightfulness of the return of that body as the illustrious House of Hanover that sits on the throne of England to-day is in maintaining the rightfulness of the Revolution of 1688. Discredit Packard and you discredit Hayes. Hold that Packard is not the legal governor of Louisiana, and President Hayes has no title, and the honored vice-president, who presides over our deliberations, has no title to his chair. The Legislature, the governor, and the presidential electors of Louisiana, all derive their legality and their right to act from the same source and the same count, and if the one is discredited, the other is discredited.

I know that there has been a great deal said here and there, in the corridors of the capitol, around and about, in by-places and high-places, of late, that some arrangements had been made by which Packard was not to be recognized and upheld. I want to know who had the authority to make any such arrangement? I deny it. I deny it without being authorized to speak for the administration that now exists. But I deny it on the simple broad ground that it is an impossibility.

.. I deny it on the broad ground that President Hayes possesses character, common-sense, self-respect patriotism, all of which he has in high measure. I deny it on all the grounds that can influence human action, on all the grounds on which men can be held to personal and political and official responsibility. I deny it for him, and I shall find myself grievously disappointed, wounded and mutilated if my denial is notvindicated in the policy of the administration. But whether it be vindicated, or wheter it be not, I care not. It is not the duty of a Senator to inquire what the policy of an'administration may be, but what it ought to be; and I hope that a Republican Senate will say that on this point there shall be no authority in this land large enough or adventurous enough to compromise the honor of the national administration or the good name of the great Republican party that called that administration into existence. - Proceedings Senate, March 6, 1877.

In connection with the exclusion of the Chinese from the United States, Blaine said:

. We have on this day to choose whether we shall have for the Pacific Coast the civilization of Christ or the civilization of Confucius.

The allegation that the exclusion of the Chinese is

inhumane and unchristian need not be considered in presence of the fact that their admission to the country provokes conflict which the laws are unable to restrain.

The wealthy classes in a republic where suffrage is universal cannot safely legislate for cheap labor.

Nowhere on earth has free labor been brought in competition with any form of servile labor in which the free labor did not come down to the level of the servile labor. ... The lower strata pull down the upper. The upper never elevate the lower.

I feel that I am pleading the cause of the free American laborer, and of his children, and of his children's children, the cause of "the house against the hovel, of the comfort of the freeman against the squalor of the slave.

Life, p. 450. Do we see the politician or the statesman in the following extract?

I received your friendly letter with much pleasure. Let me say in reply, that the course of yourself and other Irish voters is one of the most extraordinary anomalies in our political history. Never, probably, since the execution of Robert Emmett, has the feeling of Irishmen, the world over been so bitter against England and English imen as it is at this hour; and yet the great mass of the Irish voters in the United States will on Tuesday next, vote precisely as Englishmen would have them vote-for the interests of England.

Having seen Ireland reduced to misery and driven to despair by what they regard as the unjust policy of England, the Irishmen of America use their suffrage as though they were the agents and servants of the English Tories. The Free traders of England desire nothing so much as the defeat of Garfield and the election of Hancock. They wish to break down the protective tariff and cripple our manufacturers, and nine-tenths of the Irish voters in this country respond with alacrity, “Yes, we will do your bidding and vote to please you, even though it reduce our own wages and take the bread from the mouths of our children."

There are many able men and many clever writers among the Irish in America, but I have never met any one of them able enough or clever enough to explain this anomaly on any basis of logic and good sense.

I am glad to see from your esteemed favor that the subject is beginning to trouble you. The more you think of it the more you will be troubled, I am sure. And you will be driven finally to the conclusion that the prosperity of the Irish in this country depends as largely as that of any other class upon the maintenance of the financial and industrial policy represented by the Republican party. - Letter in Bangor Whig and Courier," October 29, 1880.

Blaine writes to Garfield, after the election of the latter to the presidency, as follows, December 10, 1880; and following dates, till February 16, 1881:

But the Grant forces were never more busy than at

.

.

.

this hour.. Of course it would not be wise to make war on them. Indeed, that would be folly. They must not be knocked down with bludgeons: they must have their throats cut with a feather.

The Republican party of this country is divided into three sections. First, the great body of the North, with Congressional representation and electoral strength behind it, is with the section which for convenience of designation I will call the Blaine section,-I mean the strength behind me in two national conventions.

The second section is the Grant section, taking all the South practically, with the machine in New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois—and having the aim of rule or ruin leaders... I think I am not wrong in saying that this section contains all the desperate bad men of the party, bent on loot and booty, and ready for any Mexican invasion or Caribbean annexation and looking to excitements and fillibustering and possibly to a Spanish war as legitimate means of continuing political power for a clique. These imen are to be handled with skill, always remembering that they are harmless when out of power, and desperate when in possession of it.

The third section is the Reformers by profession, the "unco good.” They are to be treated with respect, but they are the worst possible political advisers-upstarts, conceited, foolish, vain, without knowledge of measures, ignorant of men, shouting a shibboleth which represents nothing of practical reform that you are not a thousand times pledged to. They are noisy, but not numerous, pharisaical but not practical, ambitious but not wise, pretentions but not powerful! They can be easily dealt with, and can be hitched to your administration with ease. I could handle them myself withont trouble. You can do it more easily still.

In this threefold division of the Republican party, your true friends will be found on the first.

In the second section will be found all the men who have an ulterior purpose, who accept your administration because they cannot help it, and are looking as longingly to a restoration of Grant as the cavaliers of England, in the time of the Protector, looked for a return of the Stuarts.

The third section can be made to co-operate harmoniously with the first, but never with the second, -you can see that at a glance.

I have written at immoderate and immodest length: my pen ran away from me.

In accepting this important post I shall give all that I am and all that I can hope to be freely and joyfully to your service. You need no pledge of my loyalty both in heart and act. I should be false to myself did I not prove true to the great trust you confide to me and to your own personal and political fortunes in the present and in the future.

Your administration must be made brilliantly successful and strong in the confidence and pride of the people; not obviously directing its energies to re-election, but compelling that result by the logic of events and by the imperious necessities of the situation...

It is this fact which has led me to the momentous Conclusion embodied in this letter,--for however much I might admire you as a statesmen, I would not enter your Cabinet if I did not believe in you as a man and love you as a friend.

It would be personally unpleasant and politically disastrous to have him (Conkling) in Cabinet association.

No Cabinet could get along with him, nor could the President himself. . . He would insult everybody having business with his Department whom he did not happen to like, and he really happens to dislike about ninety-nine in every hundred of his acquaintances. · Conkling is bound to go with you anyway if your treatment of him be decent and honorable, and you will never deal otherwise with him.

You can always trust a man not to saw off the limb of a tree when he is on the other end,

I want you to remember that you are elected President of the United States, that the power of the Executive is lodged in your hands, and that you have all the power and rights and are bound to assert and maintain all the dignity and independence of the great office. All I fear is that your instinctive generosity will carry you beyond the limits of fair justice to yourself, and that you will err on that side. I say this because I do not want you to trust the great patronage departments where there is the remotest danger of their being used adversely to your personal interests.

I disclaim all and every effort to force or attempt to force anybody on you, but I am awfully anx. ious that you shall have a true friend in the treasury.

. I think a Western man at the head of the treasury is a sine qua non for your success.

I beg you to keep your thoughts in that direction.

I assume that you will give one place to New England, one place to New York, one place to Pennsylvania, and one to the South. This leaves you only three for the great West, extending from the base of the Alleghanies to the foot-hills of the Rocky Mountains.

The last two Southern Cabinet mem bers came from Tennessee. Would it not be better to seek a representative from another State? The more I turn the subject over “upside down and t’other end to," the more I come to the conclusion that Wayne MacVeagh on the whole is the stronghold for Pennsylvania and for the Reformers. There is no other Cabinet stone in your hand that will kill so many political dogs at one throw. I guess you'd better fire it. - Life, pp. 490, 491, 494, 497, 501, 502.

Expansion, in connection with Cuba, Hawaii, etc.

The policy of this country with regard to the Pacific is the natural complement to its Atlantic policy. The history of our European relations for fity years shows the jealous concern with which the United States has guarded its control of the coast from foreign interference. Its attitude toward Cuba is in point. That rich island, the key to the Gulf of Mexico, is, though in the hands of Spain, a part of the American commer

thest parts of the Arctic regions, the gun in summer is seen by the inhabitants revolving constantly for several nights about the edge of the earth, but above the hori. zon; and when it returns from the constellation of Capricorn, as though under the dark confines of the Antartic pole, the cheerful beams of that luminary vanish during the same space of days. Either, therefore, Thule is an island as fabulous as it is famous, or it must be looked for in the most remote and distant recesses of the northern ocean, far off under the Arctic pole. Hence Orosius, speaking with more certainty than others respecting doubtful points, says that Thule, which is separated on all sides by boundless space from the rest of the world, and faces towards the south in the midst of the ocean, is known but to few persons, and to them imperfectly. Augustine, however, in his twenty-first book, De Civitate Dei, says that Thule, an island in India, is to be preferred to other lands, because there the trees which it produces, keep their leaves all the whole year round. So that it appears to be situated in India. But he was led astray by a doubtful meaning, which is more apparent than real; for Tylis is the name of the one, Tyle (Thule of the other. Hence Isidore also says, Tylis is an island of India, where the leaves are always green. And, again, Solinus says, Tylis is an island in India, which bears palms, produces oil, and abounds in vines, and it excels all lands in the miracle that every tree which grows there is clothed with perpetual verdure. (p. 77.)

When the moon is at half her growth, as her light returns, the Western seas, from some unknown natural cause, begin to be rough and agitated, and, till she is in her full, swell more and more from day to day, overflowing the shore far beyond their usual bounds. But when the moon wanes, and her light failing, she, as it were, turns away her face, the swelling of the waters gradually declines, and when the moon's face is no longer seen, the sea returns into its proper channels, its overflow subsiding. Indeed, the moon is the entire source and cause of motion in liquids, so that it not only regulates the waters of the ocean, but, in animal life, influences the marrow in the bones, the brains in the head, and the juices of trees and plants, in proportion to its increase or decrease. Hence, when the moon ceases to be luminous you will find all animate nature shrink, but when she is again round and shining at the full, the marrow fills the bones, the brains the head, the juices of vegetables swell. Hence it is, that those are called lunàtics, who suffer every month by the exces. sive action of the brain, as the moon increases; and the word mensis (a month) is derived from mene, which signifies decrease, because it decreases with the moon, and with her increase fills and completes its course. (p. 60.)

What wealth then can Eastern lands boast which is comparable to these advantages (of Ireland)? They possess, indeed, these silken fabrics, the produce of a little worm, which glow with colors of various dyes. They have the precious metals, and sparkling gems, and odoriferous trees. But what are these, procured at

the cost of life and health? Are they not attended with the presence of a familiar enemy,- the air the Orientals breathe, and which constantly surrounds them?

In those countries all the elements, though created for the use of man, threaten wretched mortals with death, undermine health, and bring life to an end Plant your naked foot on the earth, death is at hand; incautiously seat yourself on a rock, death is at hand; drink pure water unmixed, or smell it when it is patrid, death is at hand. Expose your head uncovered to the free air, if it be cold it pierces you through, if it be hot you languish; death is at hand. The heavens terrify you with their thunders, and flash their lightnings in your eyes. The blazing sun allows you no rest. If you eat too much, death is at the gate; if yon drink wine undiluted with water, death is at the gate. Besides this, poison threatens on all hands: the motherin-law gives it to her step-son, the exasperated wife to her husband, the corrupt cook to his master. You may expect poison not only in the dish and in the cup. but in your clothes, your seats, your saddles. It insidiously creeps into your veins of itself; you are subject to its insidious attacks from venomous animals; man, of all noxious creatures the most noxious, insidiously gives it to man.

Besides all the more common annoyances which abound in these regions, the safety of man is threatened and and endangered by swift panthers of various kinds; by rhinoceroses, allured by love of, virgins, crocodiles, fearful by their breath; hippopotami frequenting the rivers. * * * The country is infested by asps and vipers, by dragons, and by the basilisk: whose very glance is fatal. * * *

It happened, within my own inemory, that a man having gone on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, as is the cnstom, from Britain, one morning, as he happened to be sifting with his hand the corn for his horses, he had his finger bitten by a little reptile which was lurking in the corn. Immediately his whole body, flesh and bone, was converted into a shapeless mass like pitch. * * * (p. 52).

The nearer, indeed, we go to the regions of the East. and warmer climates, the greater is the fertility of the soil, and the more plentifully does the earth pour forth her fruits. There also are found in abundance the precious metals and gems, with silk and cotton wools; and wealth of all kinds is overflowing. The people also, thanks to a brighter atmosphere, although slender in person, are of a more subtle intellect. Hence, they have recourse to poison rather than to violence for success in their schemes, and gain their purposes more by their arts than by their arms. But when we come to the Western parts of the world, we find the soil more sterile, the air more salubrions, and the people less acute, but more robust; for where the atmosphere is heavy, the fields are less fertile than the wits. (p. 54.)

QUESTIONS 1. Do you judge that Giraldus knew at first hand the authors mentioned? 2. Did he accept their state