be alvaya counted with Ceri m . 10- suurt no e Fir werer great the ditions are capable of pervazig #2 mi sie nie tezgment i min may be in the effects if the right people

i n m: 12- Stire. LTITE sst upon a physical tact with them. This pro É 902 ferr Sanitis, and his passini ade must inevitanot only from people to pode 1 13 e i: 3 kinsus recyrupnical environment. people from time to time EX ITS:* Bas* de astacan airs on the one side to attrivate too great 10 ans). ES2 - e por ser se mi je us on the other vironment is norbere ce n i 1 5 the perioodist Historical acts are noththe history of Greece. The ne e mi T. ing else ban the espression of human feelthe same moontain. 10: *

C ar E ng. epocising an v ne. the activities of phere, bat bon different re *.*** * that psychoccica, anit that we call the soul the physical environnen: het 1 100 or the rai" Simmel Die Probleme der changed, the social eerzonet sran 1. Geschitspaziosophie. Berlin. 1:99, p. 33) calls

One of the common facies estre: peychology the “ sproei of historical science." the ansisleration of this matter sé le a It is cleariy iz poctant, then, that the historian of geography to the eran na 1 wei sboc!d understand something about the psychiety is the belief that man emi ates 1.veik cal coaditions under which the individual or by degree from the sidence *** paruical society-in par: or in whole-4et. Sot that enviroment food

Z

e rry, the such general knowlage will enable him to de iertarian ia more dependent on natire than termine what part éclar psychologiesl faet hapthe man of civil zatira T at sent of the pened at a gira time ani place, but that he Case does not make clear the tre situation will be able to tell what psyehological facts The savage is hard to tre by few anti rlen coad not have taken place unter given condider boods, the drzet ran my many and tions and he will be helped in the interpretastrong bode The latter make more use of tion of the facts. natare than the former. He has a greater 12. The common use of collective terms such as riety of rear when he fail him the the state, the church, society, eulture, corporaother serve him. The farmer xbo planta bat tions has tended to obseure the fset that all a single crop and it perish from lack of historical acts are the result of the feeling, moisture is no les dependent npon nature thin conceiving and willing, of individuals. Howthe savage, who, living from the natural rice ever important social psychoiogy may be it of the swamp. is driven to the verge of starva- should never lead us to undervalue the importion by the first wind that strips the plants. tance for the historian of s knowledge of the

There two limitation, male, it is certain that psychology of the individual. geographical environment plays a vastly im- Sach knowledge has always been possessed portant role in human history. It affects both and applied, in some degree, by historians. It the conditions and the acts of men. It affects was, however, "an instinctive knowledge of their bodies through climate and their minds the universal identity of human feeling, thinkthrough startling natural phenomena. It im- ing, and willing," that the ordinary man makes pels men of the North to the warm lands of the use of in his attempts to understand the acts of South and controls the direction of the move- others; and furthermore an empirical knowlment by river vallies (natural highways) or edge of their own inental life, combined with checks it by high mountains. It makes im- the empirical knowledge of the soul life of othpossible the development of a high civilization ers drawn from reading and experience. upon islands of the ocean (lack of space); it This knowledge was employed, for the most enriches and develops science by the struggle part, in supplying motives for acts when these with nature, dictates man's clothing and even motives were not given by tradition. Such his social organization (social and political di- work is most difficult. Its successful accom. vision of the inhabitants of a desert). All of plishment depends upon the ability to put these things are not bistory, but they make one's self in the place of the historical personage and to feel and think as he felt and thought. vidual. Since, then, social relations call forth The fact that like outward arts are often due peculiar psychical effects, these effects may reato different inward motives renders the attempt sonably constitute matter for investigation and to infer these motives a very delicate operation. the field may be set aside under the head of Robespierre favored the Hebertists and they social psychology. attached themselves to him. An Italian noble- Although the science has been born it is still man had his enemies in his power and instead an infant. So little has been accomplished of destroying them he dismissed them with that the historian is obliged to do for himself gifts; they felt insulted and planned to take the work that will be done in the future by an his life.

auxiliary science. Through his own investigaBut the empirical knowledge of psycholog- tions, he must win for himself the necessary ical conditions should be widened and deepened knowledge of the social-psychical conditions. by the scientific study of the mind, and not by He must appreciate the distinctions of time and the study of the sound mind only, but also of locality when dealing with the past. Difficult the diseased mind. The whole attitude toward as it is to appreciate justly the social-psychical certain classes of phenomena, such as religious conditions of contemporaries who may be diexaltation and hallucinations, has been changed rectly observed—like the French, Germans, by psychical research. All the historical proc- and Italians-it becomes infinitely more diffiesses of interpretation, combination, and repro- cult to deal successfully with past ages that can duction are conditioned by mental laws and the be studied only indirectly through the sources. study of these processes can never lead to the Only through a knowledge of the socialbest results if the laws are not taken into ' psychical conditions can the historian determine account.

what is peculiar to the individual and what the It has been shown in a previous chapter that common property of the age in which he lived. the work of interpretation and combination not Who would undertake to speak with authority only calls for a knowledge of the individual of the work of a great artist without having psychical, but also of the social-psychical con- first acquainted himself with the condition of ditions, or the conditions of mind having their that particular art in the age in which the artist roots in the relations of men with one another. lived? There is no commandment of good hisWhether we look upon these conditions as the torical work that is more frequently violated manifest:itions of a social mind (Volksgeist) than the commandment that the writer shall acmatters little; the important thing is that the quaint himself with the spirit of the age in living together of men in society produces re- which the events that he would narrate took sults that are not simply the mechanical total of place. And what wonder? The man who unindividual sensations and thoughts; there is an dertakes to familiarize himself with the socialadditional something characteristic of the whole. psychical conditions before describing the No better illustration can be given than the events that were conditioned by them often finds language of a people. It is a product of the that life is too short for the completion of his social spirit. All have contributed to its task. growth, some consciously, others unconsciously, A knowledge of the geographical, the indibut of all it may be said “Was er webt, das vidual-psychical and social-psychical conditions weiss kein Weber" (The weaver knows not is not all that constitutes an acquaintance with what he weaves.) The national consciousness, man'senvironment. Every individual born into although it exists only in the sensations and an advanced society finds himself surrounded conceptions of individuals, yet constitutes a by the vast accumulations inherited from past peculiar whole and exercises a peculiar influ- ages. Probably the great superiority of the ence. The consciousness that the same general civilized man over the savage is due in a very conception of the fatherland lives in the minds large degree to this fact. Imagine the child of of millions of other men and women preserves cultured parents transferred immediately after and even increases the patriotism of the indi- birth to the care of African negroes and reared in their midst. A little reflection will show that such are the elements of the environment in the wide chasm between his real life and the life which the historical events take place. With that he might have led was due to the absence this environment the historian must acquaint of culture accumulations among the Africans. himself and under the influence of it bis narHow great a blunder Buckle committed in fail- rative must be written. The labor of the great ing to take into account the culture conditions historians can be appreciated only by those can be readily seen. While it is true that the who realize how much time must be given to culture products are the results of historical the simple effort to reach a point of vantage events, they should, nevertheless, be treated as from which the event may be seen in its true independent factors in all historical problems, light. because no historical development has ever From the historical environment the step is taken place that has not been influenced by but a short one to the philosophy of history. some existing culture conditions.

It should be noted first of all that there is a disThese culture conditions act, for the most tinct difference between philosophical history, part, almost like geographical conditions, since a narrative with philosophical reflections and they are not subject to important changes the philosophy of history. The first may conthrough the arbitrary acts of individuals or of tain a sweeping, comprehensive view of uniparticular generations. Some, it is true, are versal history, but so long as it retains its more changeable than others. The constitu- descriptive character it falls short of the philtion of a state is more easily changed than the osophy of history. For the philosophy of language of the people. The culture condi- history deals not with the description of histortions, moreover, do not influence all alike. ical events, but with the consideration of the “The sun shines equally upon the just and the universal and fundamental conditions and prounjust, the educated and the ignorant, the rich cesses upon which the historical development and the poor;” the literature of a people exerts rests. If the historical events are introduced at a powerful influence upon a few, a slight in- all, it should be simply as illustrative material. fluence upon many. Then again the influence The content of the philosophy of history conof all the culture products is not the same. sists of a distinct group of problems, and these The form of the state affects all in much the problems must evidently have to do with hissame manner, while the influence of language, tory or the evolution of man in society. But art, and science differs from individual to indi- what are these problems? An examination of vidual and from group to group. :

the history of the philosophy of history from The consideration of the culture conditions Augustine to Lotze makes clear that all the has been neglected in the past together with the problems that have presented themselves may other elements of the environment. In certain be grouped under two main heads: (1) How is epochs their influence has been so great that the the historical evolution brought about? and (2) historian could not fail to count with them. What are the results and what the significance But the treatment of economic conditions in of the historical evolution? In other words, it connection with the French Revolution, of art is the business of the philosophy of history to in the Age of Pericles, of literature in the per- investigate the factors of historical evolution iod of the Renaissance and of religion in the per- and the value of the results of the evolution. iod of the Reformation does not satisfy the just The analysis of the factors leads to the three demands of this element in the environment. groups of general conditions that have already The ideal of the historian-perhaps an impos- been treated. The relation of these factors to sible ideal -must be to consider the culture one another and to the historical evolution conditions as acting continuously and regularly, must, if possible, be determined. In the furnot spasmodically, upon the historical evolu- ther analysis of the factors, a new set of probtion, and to trace their influence not only upon lems presents itself. Is this psychical bethe events but their mutual influence on each ing, the individual of history, a free being? other.

Can any freedom of the will exist in a society

where evolution is controlled by natural law? ments been equally active and equally deIs this belief in the freedom of the will simply veloped, or has the evolution been onesided? self deception and is the individual absolutely Are all the elements capable of participating dependent upon external powers or forces ? in progress, the moral and artistic equally with And here we rise to the problem of problems. the intellectual ? Are all peoples called to take What is the motive force in all history? Is it part in this progress or are there a chosen few? the struggle between good and evil that has Can we even say that only certain classes in been going on since the fall of man and will certain peoples are the sharers of this culture? continue until the last judgment? (So thought Finally, what is the measure of progress or of the philosophers of the Middle Ages.) Is it the regress? hand of a personal God, who by rewards and The problems of the factors and values stated punishment leads man on to ever higher desti- above have been answered again and again but nies? Or is it the divine idea that has been no satisfactory solution, no solution that does placed in the germ in the soul of man, to be de- justice to all the conditions of the problem, has veloped organically in history? Is it the man- yet been presented. Many of the failures, up ifestation of the God idea itself? Is history to the present time, have been due to bad simply the unfolding of the immanent world- method. The most of the work has been done spirit? Are the natural laws only the form in by men defective in historical training, who which the inner, spontaneous will impulses out have not hesitated to do violence to the facts in wardly realize themselves? Do natural laws order to justify their theories. The philosophy alone control history? Or is it all accident? of history in the future must rest on the science

These problems concerning the factors of of history and grow out of it. It will develop evolution lead naturally to the problems deal- as our knowledge of history develops and its ing with the value of the results of evolution. aim will be to comprehend historical facts as Can we prove that one of the results has been regarded from the most universal, point of the perfecting of man and the improving of his view, that of general human evolution, that of condition? If so, has this progress been regu- humanity itself. lar and universal? Have all the social ele

FRED MORROW Fling.

European History Studies *

FRED MORROW FLING, Ph. D., Editor
VOL. II. CIVILIZATION DURING THE MIDDLE AGES
The Rise of Cities

The system now in vogue makes a distinction Zeller, B. et Luchaire, A. Les Capétiens du XII esiècle. between communes, which have wrested more Louis VI et Louis VII. Paris, 1882. In the series

or less political autonomy and local government · l'Histoire de France racontée par les contemporains.

from the lords, and those cities not communes, THERE is such a diversity in the charters

villes de bourgeoisie, which have not become poof medieval cities that the student will

litical entities at all, but whose citizens, as indifind it impossible to generalize upon the

viduals, have received commercial, fiscal, and movement as a whole from the few examples

es other concessions, sometimes of very great bere placed before him. Not only do the cities

value. A special kind of ville de bourgeoisie is of the different parts of Europe differ widely in

the ville-neuf, purposely founded by some lord origin and in organization, but even in the same

upon his domain for the purpose of adding to his locality uniformity is hardly to be looked for.

resources. These three sorts are illustrated in Indeed, so great is the diversity and so confused

the following pages, yet the illustrations may le are the types that historians have not yet dis

taken as types only with the understanding that covered a satisfactory scheme of classification.

there is a very great diversity within each type • Reprinted each month in leafle torm. See advertisement, and that some charters can not satisfactorily be

classed according to this system at all. Some will? 3. Would a serf better his condition in this rehistorians have gone to the length of saying

gard by becoming a townsman? 4. Were the serfs

free to make use of every opportunity to better their that in fact there are as many different types as conditions? 5. Did the Count still retain his sover

eignty over the town; i. e., did he retain the right of there are charters. This, however, is clearly an

taxation, of military service, and of administering jusexaggeration. It was a common custom to take tice? 6. By what means did he maintain his control?

7. Can we tell how the échevins were elected? 8. If the charter of some city as a model in making

the town grew, how would the Count be richer and grants to others, and it was usual, sometimes stronger? obligatory, for the offspring to appeal to the

2. CHARTER OF THE TOWN OF LORRIS, GRANTED BY mother-city for explanations or interpretations

LOUIS VII. 1155 A.D. of obscure provisions in the charter. Thus the

Louis, by the grace of God, King of the Franks, etc. celebrated charter of Lorris, which follows, was

Be it known to all that whoever owns a house in the widely adopted over northern France, and that parish of Lorris shall pay a quit rent of six deniers of Soissons, also given below, spread through and no more for his house and each acre of land which out the Duchy of Burgundy.

he owns in this parish; and if he acquire such property

[by improving waste land?] this shall be the amount of While the student will be able to analyze

rent due upon it. the forces involved in the rise of a single city, No inhabitant of the parish of Lorris shall pay either it is clear from this diversity that he can not be a tariff or any other tax upon his food, nor shall he sure that his observations hold good for more pay any tax for measuring the grain which his labor than the particular insance at hand. Some ob- brings him or the labor of any beasts which he may

have, nor shall he pay any tax upon the wine which he servations concerning the city of Lorris may

makes from his vineyards. not be true of another city not far distant. For No inhabitant shall be compelled to go on an expethese generalizations, it is necessary to turn to dition afoot or by horse where he may not return some secondary account. The fifteenth chapter home the same day if he so desires. of Emerton's Mediaeval Europe will be found

No inhabitant shall pay tolls as far as Etamps,

nor as far as Orleans, nor as far as Milly, which is in to serve the purpose admirably. It will be no

Gatinais, nor as far as Melun. ticed that the following charters are all from

Whoever owns property in the parish of Lorris shall one locality, the northern part of France. not be deprived of it for any offense whatever, unless 1. A MANORIAL CHARTER, GRANTED BY HENRY

the offense be committed against us, or our tenants.

No one shall be annoyed or arrested while going to COUNT OF TROYES. 1175 A.D.

the fairs and markets of Lorris, or while returning I, Henry, Count of Troyes, make known to all men

from them, unless he has committed some offense that present and future, that I have established the follow.

same day. ing customs for the inhabitants who shall come to my

Fines of sixty sous shall be reduced to five sous, ville-neuve, near Pont-sur-Seine. All persons living in

those of five sous to twelve deniers, and the fee of the the said city shall pay each year twelve deniers and a

prévot in case of complaint to four deniers. measure of oats as the price of his domicile; and if he

No man of Lorris shall be obliged to quit Lorris in wishes to have a portion of ground or of meadow, he

order to plead in the court of the lord king. shall pay four deniers rent per acre, and the owner

No one, neither ourselves nor anyone else, shall deshall have power to sell or to transfer at will his house,

mand of the men of Lorris any taille or exaction." wines or meadows. The inhabitants of the said town

No one shall sell wine in Lorris with public procla. shall not be forced to make war nor go on any expedi

mation,' except the King, who shall sell his wine in his tion, unless I myself am at their head. I grant them

cellar with such proclamation. besides the right to have six échevins, who shall ad

We sball be furnished at Lorris fifteen full days minister the common affairs of the town and assist my

maintenance for our attendants and those of the Queen. prévot in his courts. No lord, cavalier or other shall

If anyone has had a quarrel with another, but withtake from the town any of its inhabitants for any rea

out being guilty of house-breaking, and they shall son whatever, unless he be his serf or unless he owes him

patch up their quarrel without bringing it before the arrears of his taille. Done at Provins, in the year 1175. (Z. et L., p. 154, from Recueil des ordonnances 1. Besides the payments whose amounts were fixed by custom,

there were direct contributions, the exactions, of which the des rois de Fr., t. XI., p. 198.).