American History Studies*

H. W. CALDWELL, Editor

VOL. II. SOME GREAT LEGISLATORS

PER

none.

III. Henry Clay (1777-1852)

the will of the nation, with its most important ERHAPS no man in American history has function, becomes of the highest value. There

had so great a direct influence on legis- is perhaps one time in a nation's history when

lation as Henry Clay. As Speaker of the the executive surpasses in importance even the House for about twelve years he appointed the legislature, and that is in time of war. Of committees, and thus determined largely the course, then it is the force of the nation that direction legislation should take. His influence

must be wielded. For nations, therefore, as Speaker was also a powerful factor in other whose life has been martial, not industrial, the ways. From 1831 to 1852 he was in the Senate reverse of what I have said above may be true. for the larger part of the time, and shared with But for nations like our own, peaceful, indusWebster and Calhoun in its leadership.

trial, and democratic, the important field of many ways, probably, he was not the equal of work for the statesman is in legislation, in findeither, but as a leader of men he was their su- ing out and properly expressing its will. In perior. It thus happened that he could secure

the list of men who have had to do in formuhis will more frequently than either. On the lating this will, Clay stands second, perhaps, to whole his career was more completely legislative

The very few names in American histhan any of our other great statesmen. Only tory-Washington's, Hamilton's, Jefferson's, once, in 1814–15, did he turn to diplomacy, Lincoln's—that tower above his, were great and but once, from 1825-29, did he enter the personalities as well—were administrators in field of administration. His life was given over

moments of great need; or were creators of great to a study of legislative processes and legisla

policies. tive needs.

Of Clay's writings in early years we have It may be confidently affirmed that legisla

almost nothing left. It is not till he becomes tion is more fundamental, and more important,

the nation's that we can let him speak of than either administrative or judicial processes.

himself. This study, therefore, is necessarily Primarily it has to do with determining the largely a direct study of his course in Congress, will of the state, and securing its proper and acting for the people. adequate expression. To be sure, the execu

In 1829 in a speech to his constituents Clay tive department of government must carry that

tells us something of himself, and gives us an will into operation, or it is worthless, or possi- does not directly speak of himself:

insight into his character in many ways when he bly worse. The judiciary must be capable of

I fear, friends and fellow-citizens, that if I could find judging what that will is, and, in nations with

language to express the feelings which now animate constitutions like our own, holding the legisla- me, I could not be heard throughout this vast assembly. ture down to an interpretation of its powers in

My voice, once strong and powerful, has had its vigor accordance with its constitutional rights. Yet, impaired by delicate health and advancing age.

I behold gathered here, sires far advanced in years, enwhen all has been said, it still remains true

deared to me by an interchange of friendly office and that to will is of greater importance than to ex- sympathetic feeling, beginning more than thirty years ecute or to judge. A government must fail that ago. Their sons, grown up during my absence in the can not find an easy and adequate expression public councils, accompany them; and all, prompted for its will; it may fail, even when this is se

by ardent attachment, affectionately surrounding and

saluting me, as if I belonged to their own household. cured, if the other departments of government

· I consider this day the proudest of my life. are incompetent or not properly organized. If this analysis then be correct, our series of

No occasion can be more appropriate than the present, studies for this year, concerned as it is with the

when surrounded by my former constituents, to say a

few words upon the unimportant subject of myself. men who as legislators have had to do with

Prior to my return home I had stated, in answer to all • Reprinted each month in leaflet form.

inquiries whether I should be again presented as a can

*

See advertisement,

1898]

HENRY CLAY

115

.

.

didate to represent my old district in the house of rep

I am sorry you do not live in better times, resentatives, that I should come to no absolute decision, for you have talents to adorn a public station, and to antil I had taken time for reflection, and to ascertain be useful to your country. But to me character is more what might be the feelings and wishes of those who dear than every other thing; and can any man hope to had so often hon ed me with their suffrages. The preserve it in the present miserable state of things? present representative of the district has conducted You have carried your election. I am rejoiced at it. himself towards me with the greatest liberality. Your enemies will be wounded. But I pray you to quit

He had promptly declined being a candidate, if I public life, or muster up sufficient philosophy to bear would offer, and he warmly urged me to offer. Since up under all the hard names with which you will be my return home, I have mixed freely as I could with christened in the papers. You are, it seems, a Burrite my fellow-citizens of the district. They have met me .. What you may next be called is uncertain; with the greatest cordiality. Many of them have ex- but as long as you retain your brains and your indepressed a wish that I would again represent them. pendence you will be abused. Republicanism demands Some of the most prominent and respectable of those that a man of talents should be kept down by detracwho voted for the present chief magistrate [Jackson ) tion. Too much genius. like too much wealth, dehave also expressed a similar wish. I have every stroys equality, the very soul of democracy. But I forreason to believe, that there would be no opposition to bear. You will say that I have become splenetic, or me, from any quarter or any party, if I were to offer. rather that I have always been subject to that infirmBut

under all circumstances, I think that, ity.-Colton, Private Correspondence of Clay, p. 16.

I may continue at home for a season, if not during the remainder of my life, among my friends

The following is an extract from the earliest and old constituents, cheering and cheered by them, preserved speech of Clay made in Congress. and interchanging all the kind and friendly offices incident to private life...

In inculcating the advantages of domestic And now, my friends and fellow-citizens, I cannot

manufactures, it never entered the head, I presume, of part from you, on possibly this last occasion of my ever

any one, to change the habits of the nation from an publicly addressing you, without reiterating the ex

agricultural to a manufacturing community. No one, pression of my thanks from a heart overflowing with

I am persuaded, ever thought of converting the plowgratitude. I came among you, now more than thirty

share and the sickle into the spindle and the shuttle. years ago, an orphan boy, penniless, stranger to you

The opponents of the manufacturing system all, without friends, without the favor of the great. transport themselves to the establishments of ManchesYou took me up, cherished me, caressed me, protected ter and Biriningham, and, dwelling on the indigence, me, honored me. You have constantly poured upon vice, and wretchedness prevailing there, by pushing it me a bold and unabated stream of innumerable favors. to an extreme, argue that its introduction into this Time, which wears out everything, has increased and country will necessarily be attended by the same mis. strengthened your affection for me. When I seemed chievous and dreadful consequences. But what is the deserted by almost the whole world, and assailed by fact? That England is the manufacturer of a great almost every tongue, and pen, and press, you have fear- part of the world; and that, even then, the numbers lessly and manfully stood by me, with unsurpassed zeal thus employed bear an inconsiderable proportion to the and undiminished friendship. When I felt as if I should whole mass of population. Were we to become the sink beneath the storm of abuse and detraction, which manufacturers of other nations, effects of the same kind was violently raging around me, I have found myself might result. But if we limit our efforis, by our own upheld and sustained by your encouraging voices, and wants, the evils apprehended would be found to be your approving smiles. I have doubtless committed chimerical. The invention and improvement-of mamany faults and indiscretions, over which you have chinery,

.

.

pendent than if it imported its bread.

C'ay's The creation of a home market is not only necessary Speeches, I., pp. 195, 196.

to procure for our agriculture a just reward of its labor Fourteen years later Clay made his first really

but it is indispensable to obtain a supply of our necesgreat speech on the tariff. Webster responded,

sary wants. If we cannot sell, we cannot buy.. and the two speeches may be regarded as class

Mr. Chairman, our confederacy comprehends, within ics on the subject. Clay had not been silent on

its vast limits, great diversity of interests; agriculture,

planting, farming, cominercial, navigating, fishing, the topic in the preceding years, but none of manufacturing .. All these great interests are these earlier speeches had added much of value confided to the protection of one government-to the to the discussion. Now in 1824 he says:

fate of one ship; . . . If we prosper, and are happy, Two classes of politicians divide the people of the

protection must be extended to all; it is due to all. United States. According to the system of one, the

[For the other side read Webster's reply.)produce of foreign industry should be subjected to no

Clay's Speeches, I, 441, 442, 443, 446, 450, 478. other impost than such as may be necessary to provide Eight years now pass away before we again a public revenue; According to the system of

notice Clay's position on the tariff. He had the other class, whilst they agree that the imposts made many speeches in the meantime, but all should be mainly ... relied on as a fit and convenient source of public revenue, they would so adjust

were in harmony with the one quoted for 1824. and arrange the duties on foreign fabrics as to afford a January 11, 1832, he moved the following resogradual but adequate protection to American industry, lution, and then addressed the Senate in its and lessen our dependence on foreign nations, by secur

support: ing a certain and ultimately a cheaper and better sup

Resolved, that the existing duties upon articles imply of our own wants from our own abundant

ported from foreign countries, and not coming into resources. Both classes are equally sincere, in their respective opinions, equally honest, equally patriotic,

competition with similar articles made or produced

within the United States, ought to be forthwith abol. and equally desirous of advancing the prosperity of the country.

ished, except the duties upon wines and silks, and that

those ought to be reduced. In casting our eyes around us, the most prominent circumstance which fixes our attention, and challenges our

He then says: deepest regret, is the general distress which pervades It forms no part of my present purpose to enter into the whole country.

This distress pervades a consideration of the established policy of protecevery part of the union, every class of society;

tion. what, again I would ask, is the CAUSE of the unhappy Although it may be impracticable to say what the condition of our country, which I have faintly de- exact amount of the public revenue should be for the picted? It is to be found in the fact that, during almost future,

we may safely assume that the revenue the whole existence of this government, we have shaped

may now be reduced, and considerably reduced. This our industry, our navigation, and our commerce, in reduction may be effected in various ways and on difreference to an extraordinary war in Europe, and to ferent principles. Only three modes shall now be foreign markets, which no longer exist; in the fact that noticed. we have depended too much upon foreign sources of First, to reduce duties on all articles in the same supply, and excited too little the native: ..

ratio, without regard to the principle of protection. Both the inability and the policy of foreign powers, Second, to retain them on the unprotected articles, and then, forbid us to rely upon the foreign market, as be

augment them on the protected articles, and, Third, to ing an adequate vent for the surplus produce of Amer- abolish and reduce the duties on unprotected articles, ican labor.

retaining and enforcing the faithful collection of those Our agriculture is our greatest interest. It ought ever

on the protected articles. to be predominant. All others should bend to it.

To the first mode there are insuperable objections. Can we do nothing to invigorate it; nothing to correct It would lead inevitably to the destruction of our home the errors of the past, and to brighten the still more manufactures. unpromising prospects which lie before us? . . . We

The second would be still more objectionable to the have seen, that an exclusive dependence on the foreign foes of the tariff than either of the others. market must lead to still severer distress, to impover

The consequence of such an augmentation would be a ishment, to ruin. We must then change somewhat our great dimunition in the importation of the foregoing course. We must give a new direction to some portion article, and of course of the duties upon it. But against of our industry. We must speedily adopt a genuine entire prohibition, except perhaps in a few instances, I American policy. Still cherishing the foreign market, have been always and still am opposed. By leaving the let us create also a home market, to give further scope

door open to the foreign rival article, the benefit is seto the consumption of the produce of American indus- cured of a salutary competition. If it be hermetically try. .

closed, the danger is incurred of monopoly.

.