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Well, my charming patriot, why do you instantly: “No; it was not well done,”and I continued write to me about politics?

I believe that, to deprecate in the most forcible terms every act of except a very few intemperate, unthinking, or wicked violence. For I had quoted the burning of this house men, no American wishes to see his country involved as one of the worst. - Adams' Life of Gallatin, p. 133. in war. As to myself, I think every war except a de

April 22, 1795, Gallatin writes to his wife fensive one to be unjustifiable. As to the present cause of France, although I think they have been guilty of

from New York, in part, as follows: many excesses,

and that in their present The more I see of this state the better I like Pennsyltemper they are not likely to have a very good govern- vania. It may be prejudice, or habit, or whatever you ment within any short time, yet I firmly believe their please, but there are some things in the Western councause to be that of mankind against tyrants, and, at try which contribute to my happiness, and which I do all events, that no foreign nation has a right to dictate not find here. Among other things which displease me a government to them. So far, I think, we are inter- here I may mention, in the first place, family influence. ested in their success, and as to our political situation In Pennsylvania

from the suburbs they are certainly the only real allies we have yet had. of Philadelphia to the banks of the Ohio, I do not know

Upon the whole, I think that unless France a single family that has any extensive influence. An or England attach us we shall have no war.

equal distribution of property has rendered every inPlease to remember that my politics are only for you. dividual independent, and there is amongst us true and Except in my public character I do not like to speak on real equality.

In a word the subject, although I believe you will agree with me as I am poor, I like a country where no person is very that I have no reason to be ashamed of my sentiments; rich.

*.-Ibid., p. 146–47. but moderation is not fashionable just now.

The following may not throw much light on Again, December 15, 1793, just after their Gallatin, but it gives us his opinion of the conmarriage, he writes :

ditions of 1795. He is commenting on the I am happy to see that you are a tolerable democrat, Whiskey Rebellion trials: and, at the same time, a moderate one. I trust that

Brackinridge says he would always our parties at this critical juncture will, as far as pos

choose a jury of Quakers, or at least Episcopalians, in sible, forget old animosities, and show, at least to the

all common cases, such as murder, etc., but in every foreign powers who hate us, that we will be unanimous

possible case of insurrection, rebellion, and treason, whenever the protection and defense of our country

give him Presbyterians on the jury by all means. I require it. - Adams' Life of Gallatin, pp. 103-104, 112.

believe there is at least as much truth as wit in the The following anecdote illustrates very well saying.

*-Ibid, p. 150. the way much history is written, as well as Mr. Gallatin has made an estimate of his own gives us a good insight into the character of services in Congress from which a few extracts Gallatin for straightforward honesty. Brack- may be made that will throw much light on the enridge, in his "Incidents of the Whiskey Re- man and his works. He says: bellion,” relates the incident as follows:

The first great debate in which we were engaged was Mr. Gallatin supported the necessity of the resolu- that on the British treaty; and my speech, or rather tion with a view to the establishment of the laws, and two speeches, on the constitutional powers of the the conservation of the peace, though he did not ven- House,

were, whether I was right or ture to touch on the resistance to the marshal, or the wrong, universally considered as the best on either expulsion of the proscribed, yet he strongly arraigned side. I think that of Mr. Madison superior and more the destruction of property; the burning of the barn of comprehensive, but for this very reason (comprehenKirkpatrick, for instance. “What?" said a fiery fellow siveness ) less impressive than mine. Griswold's reply in the committee, “do you blame that?” The secretary, was thought the best; in my opinion it was that of [Gallatin] found himself embarrased; he paused for a Goodrich,

*, both, however, were secondmoment "If you had burned him in it” said he “it rate. The most brilliant and eloquent speech was unmight have been something; but the barn had done no doubtedly that of Mr. Ames; harm.” “Ay, Ay,” said the man, that is right It is certainly a subject of self-gratulation that I enough.” I admired the presence of mind of Gallatin, should have been allowed to take the lead [in Congress ) and give the incident as a proof of the delicacy neces- with such co-adjutors as Madison, Giles, Livingston, sary to manage the people on that occasion.

and Nicholas,

and that I was able to Mr. Gallatin has written on the margin of

contend on equal terms with the host of talents collected in

the Federal party-Griswold, Bayard, the volume containing this account these words:

Harper, Goodrich, Otis, Smith, Sitgreans, Dana, and Totally false. It is what B. would have said in my even J. Marshall. Yet I was destitute of eloquence, place. The fellow said: “It was well done." I replied and had to surmount the great obstacle of speaking in

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a foreign language, with a very bad pronunciation.

Do you want to know the fashionable My advantages consisted in laborious investigation, news of the day? The President of the United States habits of analysis, thorough knowledge of the subject has written in answer to the managers of the ball in under discussion, and more extensive general informa- honor of G. Washington's birthday, that he took the tion, due to an excellent early education, to which I earliest opportunity of informing them that he declined think I may add quickness of apprehension and a sound going. The court is in a prodigious uproar about that judgment.

important event. The ministers and their wives do not

know how to act upon the occasion; the friends of the The principal questions in which I was engaged re- old court say it is dreadful, a monstrous insult to the lated to constitutional construction or to the finances. late president;

* A most powerful batThe Financial department in the House

tery was opened against me to induce me to go to the was quite vacant, so far, at least, as the opposition (the said ball; it would be remarked; it would look well; Republicans ) was concerned; and having made my. it would show that we democrats, and I specially, felt self complete master of the subject, and occupied that no reluctance in showing my respect to the person of field almost exclusively, it is not astonishing that my Mr. Washington, but that our objections to levees and views should have been adopted by the Republican to birthday balls applied only to its being a Presidenparty and been acted upon when they came into tial, anti-republican establishment, and that we were power. -Adams' Life of Gallatin, pp. 155-157.

only afraid of its being made a precedent; and then it January 24, 1797, Gallatin writes to his wife would mortify Mr. Adams and please Mr. Washington. concerning a dinner with President Washington

All those arguments will appear very weak to you when

on paper, but they were urged by a fine lady, by Mrs. in the following words:

Law, and when supported by her handsome black eyes He (Washington] looked, I thought, more than usu

they appeared very formidable.

*.-Ibid., ally grave, cool, and reserved. Mrs. W. inquired about

194. you, so that you may suppose yourself still in the good graces of our most gracions queen, who, by the by, con- He wrote to Maria Nicholson on July 10, tinues to be a very good-natured and amiable woman. 1798, concerning the press, in terms that may Not so her husband, in your husband's humble opinion; well be considered by us: but that between you and me, for I hate treason, and you know that it would be less sacrilegious to carry

I see the persecutions of the printers arms against our nation than to refuse singing to the are going on. I do not admire much the manner in tune of the best and greatest of men

which the new editor of the Time-Piece conducts his Adams' Life of Gallatin, p. 182.

paper. Cool discussion and fair statements of facts A few days later he writes again concerning

are the only proper modes of conveying truth and dis

seminating sound principles. Let squibs and virulent the political conditions of the times in this rather

paragraphs be the exclusive privilege of Fenno, Porcugloomy way:

pine & Co., and let the papers which really are inYour husband was not formed for the tended to support republicanism unite candor and bustles of a political life in a stormy season. Conscious moderation to unconquerable firmness. Pieces may be of the purity of my motives, and (shall I add when I written in an animated style without offending dewrite to my bosom friend) conscious of my own strength, cency.

-- Adams' Life of Gallatin, p. 196. I may resist the tempest with becoming firmness, but

In 1799 he again gives us an insight into his happiness dwells not there.

I feel disgusted at the mean artifices which have so long been own conception of himself. He writes to his sn'cessfully employed in order to pervert public opin- wife: ion, and I anticipate with gloomy apprehension the

I begin to think that one of the fatal consequences to our independence as a nation and

causes of my opposition to a great extension of executo our internal union which must follow the folly or

tive power is that constitutional indolence which, notwickedness of those who have directed our public withstanding some share of activity of mind, makes measures.Ibid., p. 182 3.

me more fit to think than to act. I believe I am well Again he writes:

calculated to judge and to determine what course Your papa has not yet answered my last political

ought to be followed either in private or public busiletter. I am afraid he thinks me too moderate and be

But I must have executive officers who will lieves I am going to trim. But moderation and firm

consult me and act for me.

*-Adams' ness have ever been and ever will be my motto.Ibid.,

Life of Gallatin, p. 226.

In 1800, in commenting on the sinking fund February 23, 1798, Gallatin writes to his wife plan of paying national debts, Gallatin showed concerning the Washington birthday ball in that he at that time recognized its fallacy, al

though it was not till many years later that his

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view was admitted to be correct. He says in In regard to the policy he would have purpart:

sued in regard to appointment to and removal I know but one way that a nation has from office, the following extract will give a paying her debts, and that is precisely the same general idea: which individuals practice. Spend less than you receive, and you may then apply the surplus of your re

{There is) but one sentiment I wish to communicate; ceipts to the discharge of your debts.

But if you

it is that the door of the office be no longer shut spend more than you receive, you may have recourse

against any man merely on account of his political to sinking funds, you may modify them as you please.

opinion, but that whether he shall differ or not from You may render your accounts extremely complex, you

those avowed by you or by myself, integrity and capacmay give a scientific appearance to additions and sub

ity suitable to the station be the only qualifications

that shall direct our choice. tractions, you must still necessarily increase your debt. If you spend more than you receive, the difference Permit me, since I have touched this topic, to add must be supplied by loans; and if out of these receipts

that whilst freedom of opinion and freedom of suffrage you have set a sum apart to pay your debts,

at public elections are considered by the president as you must borrow so much in order to meet your

unprescriptible rights which, possessing as citizens, expenditures. If your revenue is nine millions of dol- you cannot have lost by becoming public officers, he lars, and your expenditures fourteen, you must borrow,

will regard any exercise of official influence to restrain you must create a new debt of five millions. But if or control the same right in others as injurious to that two millions of that revenue are, under the name of a

part of the public administration which is confided to sinking fund, applicable to the payment of the prin

your care, and practically destructive of the fundamencipal of an old debt, and pledged for it, then the por

tal principles of a republican constitution.-Ibid., pp.

278-79. tion of your revenue applicable to discharging your current expenditures of fourteen millions is reduced to

Gallatin from Washington to his wife, 1802: seven millions; and instead of borrowing five millions you must borrow seven; you create a new debt of

Indeed, dinners of a political cast seven millions, and you pay an old debt of two. It is cannot, in the present state of parties, be very cheerful still the same increase of five millions of debt.

unless confined to one party.

I had *-Annals of Congress.

another cause which damped my spirits. We were in

an enclosure, Gallatin's ideas in regard to the work of the

and some marines were

placed as sentries to prevent intrusion; new administration, Jefferson's, may be gath- The very sight of a bayonet to preserve order amongst ered from a letter of November 16, 1801. He

citizens rouses my indignation, and you may judge of says:

my feelings when I tell you that one of the sentries acIf we cannot

pay the debt at the

tually stabbed a mechanic who abused him because he rate proposed and support the establishments on the

had been ordered away. The bayonet went six inches

in his body and close to his heart. He is not dead, but proposed plans, one of three things must be done: either to continue the internal taxes, or to reduce the

still in great danger, and the marine in jail. Such are

the effects of what is called discipline in times of expenditure still more, or to discharge the debt with less rapidity. The last reconrse is to me the most ob

peace. The distribution of one little army to distant jectionable, not only because I am firmly of the opinion

garrisons where hardly any other inhabitant is to be that if the present administration and Congress do not

found is the most eligible arrangement of that perhaps take the most effective measures for that object, the

necessary evil that can be contrived. But I never debt will be entailed on us and the ensuing genera

want to see the face of one in our cities and intermixed

with the people. tions, together with all the systems which support it and which it supports,

On the other hand, if this administration shall not Nothing but the hope of seeing you soon has kept in reduce taxes, they never will be permanently reduced. any degree my spirits from sinking; whether in the To strike at the root of the evil, and avert the danger plains or over the hills, whether in city or in retreat, I of increasing taxes, encroaching government, temp- cannot live without you. It is trifling with that share tations to offensive wars, etc., nothing can be more of happiness which Providence permits us to enjoy to effectual than a repeal of all internal taxes;

be forever again and again parted. I am now good for * * I agree most fully with you that pretended nothing but for you, and good for nothing without you. tax-preparations, treasurer-preparations, and army- You will say that anyhow I am not good for much; preparations against contingent wars tend only to en- that may be, but such as I am, you are mine, and you courage wars.

If the United States shall unavoidably are my comfort, my joy, and the darling of my soul. be drawn into war, the people will submit to any Now do not go and show this to Maria (Mrs. Gallatin's necessary tax,

*.-Adams' Life of Gallatin, sister); not that I am ashamed of it, for I glory in my pp. 270-71.

love for you; but she will think my expressing myself * dence and honor of the nation. They are, moreover, tem

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that way very foolish, and I am afraid of her.-Life, ments

.-Adams' Life of Gallatin, pp. 304-5.

pp. 361-62. A letter of Gallatin's to Jefferson, written in The spirit of the English Orders in Council 1803, will indicate his ideas in regard to the

which finally, together with the Decrees of powers of the national government:

Napoleon, led to the Embargo policy of To me it would appear, 1st, That the United States

Jefferson, may be seen in this letter of Spencer as a nation have an inherent right to acquire territory.

Perceval, a member of the English govern2d. That whenever that acquisition is by treaty, the

ment. He says: same constituted authorities in whom the treaty mak

The short principle is that trade in British produce and ing power is vested have a constitutional right to

manufactures, and trade either from a British port or sanction the acquisition.

with a British destination, is to be protected as much as 3d. That whenever the territory has been acquired,

possible. For this purpose all the countries where Congress have the power either of admitting into the

French influence prevails to exclude the British flag Union as a state, or of annexing to a state with the

shall have no trade but to or from this country or from consent of that state, or of making regulations for the

its allies. All other countries, the few that remain government of such territory. -Adams' Life of Galla

strictly neutral (

) cannot trade but tin, p. 320.

through this being done as an ally with any of the That Gallatin was not unaffected by the at

countries connected with France. If, therefore, we

can accomplish our purpose, it will come to this, that tack on the “Chesapeake," and the course of

either those countries will have no trade, or they must France and England toward the United States be content to accept it through us, stands forth plainly in the following extracts: Jefferson was in favor of having no trade,

The attack of the British on the Chesapeake and their rather than accept it on such conditions, hence subsequent conduct near Norfolk has much irritated he recommended the Embargo. How Gallatin every one here, and all are anxious to learn what the

thought on the subject we may see from the president intends to do.

If war must

following extracts: be we ought to prosecute it with the same zeal that we have endeavored to preserve peace, and by great

In every point of view, privations, sufferings, exertions convince the enemy that it is not from fear revenue, effect on the enemy, politics at home, etc., I or cowardice that we dread it. But peace, if we can prefer war to a permanent embargo. Governmental have it, is always best for us, and if the Executive prohibitions do always more mischief than had been can get justice done and preserve it, that executive will calculated; and it is not without much hesitation that deserve the thanks of every democrat in the Union.- a statesman should hazard to regulate the concerns of Life, p. 360.

individuals as if he could do it better than themselves. July 17, 1807, he writes to his brother-in-law,

A few months later, July 29, 1808, after the J. H. Nicholson, concerning the same subject: Embargo policy had been in force for some With you I believe that war is in

time, Gallatin again wrote in these terms: evitable, and there can be but one opinion on the question whether the claims of the parties prior to the

I am perfectly satisfied that if the embargo must be attack on the Chesapeake should be a subject of discus

persisted in any longer, two principles must necessarily sion.

be adopted in order to make it sufficient; 1st, That I feel no apprehension of the immediate result. We

not a single vessel shall be permitted to move without will be poorer, both as a nation and as a government;

the spechal permission of the Executive; 2d, That the our debt and taxes will increase, and our progress in

collectors be invested with the general power of seizing

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property anywhere every respect be interrupted. But all those evils are not

I am sensible only not to be put into competition with the indepen

that such arbitrary powers are equally dangerous and odious,

That in the present situation of the world every porary, and very few years of peace will obliterate their effects. Nor do I know whether the awakening of

effort should be attempted to preserve the peace of

this nation cannot be doubted. But if the criminal nobler feelings and habits than avarice and luxury might

party rage of Federalists and Tories shall have so far not be necessary to prevent our degenerating, like the

succeeded as to defeat our endeavors to attain that Hollanders, into a nation of mere calculators. In fact, the greatest mischiefs which I apprehend from the war are

object by the only measure [Embargo ) that could pos

sibly have affected it, we must submit and prepare for the necessary increase of the executive power and influo

war,

*.-I bid, pp. 370–71. ence, the speculation of contractors and jobbers, and the introduction of permanent military and naval establish- A letter of November 8, 1809, to Jefferson,

-Ibid.,

p. 366.

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gives us an insight into the aims of Gallatin as or seem to entertain any hope that he can on that subSecretary of the Treasury. In part he says:

ject be of any service.

England will not admit a third party to interfere in her disputes with The reduction of the public debt was

you

*.-1bid., 514. certainly the principal object in bringing me into office, and our success in that respect has been due both to

June 13, he wrote of the conditions: the joint and continuous efforts of the several branches Whatever may be the object and duration of the war, of government and to the prosperous situation of the America must rely on her resources alone. From Eucountry. *-Adams' Life, p. 409.

rope no assistance can for some time be expected.

Above all, there is nowhere any navy in exGallatin writes to Jefferson, March 10, 1812,

istence, and years of peace must elapse before the in regard to the war conditions, in a few brief

means of resisting with effect the sea-power of Great sentences as follows:

Britain can be created,

and the most favorable times of peace that can be expected are the You have seen from your retreat that our hopes and endeavors to preserve peace during the

status ante-bellum, and a postponement of the quespresent European contest have at last been frustrated.

tions of blockades, impressments, and all other points

which in time of European peace are not particularly I am satisfied that domestic faction has prevented

injurious;

*. - Writings I., p. 628. that happy result. But I hope, nevertheless, that our internal enemies and the ambitious intriguers who

His view of the effects of the war may be still attempt to disunite will ultimately be equally dis- gathered from a letter to Matthew Lyon, of appointed. I rely with great confidence on the good

May 7, 1816 : sense of the mass of the people to support their own government in an unavoidable war, and to check the

The war has been productive of evil disordinate ambition of individuals.

and good, but I think the good preponderates. IndeWith respect to the war, it is my wish

pendent of the loss of lives and of the losses in propthat the evils

be limited to its dura

erty by individuals, the war has laid the foundation of tion, and that at its end the United States may be

permanent taxes and military establishments which burthened with the smallest possible quantity of debt,

the Republicans had deemed unfavorable to the happi

ness and free institutions of the country. But under perpetual taxation, military establishments, and other corrupting or anti-republican habits or institution.

our former system we were becoming too selfish, too -Adams' Life, pp. 455–456.

much attached exclusively to the acquisition of wealth,

above all, too much confined in our political feelings May 5, 1813, he writes to J. W. Nicholson

to local and state objects. The war has renewed and concerning the war and the need of peace. He reinstated the national feelings and character which

the Revolution had given, and which were daily less. says:

ened. The people have now more general objects of Peace, at all times desirable, is much

attachment with which their pride and political opinmore so for two reasons: 1, The great incapacity for

ions are connected. They are more American; they conducting the war;

2, The want of

feel and act more as a nation, and I hope that the perunion, or, rather, open hostility to the war and to the

manency of the Union is thereby better secured. Union, which, however disgraceful to the parties con

*-Writings, I., p. 700. cerned, and to the national character, is not less formidable. Finally, provided we can ob

He writes from Paris, July 17, 1817, in a tain security with respect to impressments, peace will tone that shows the change in Europe concerngive us everything we want. Taught by experience iny America: we will apply a part of our resources to such naval

The growing prosperity of the United preparations and organization of the public forces as

States is an object of admiration for all the friends of will within less than five years place us in a command

liberty in Europe, a reproach on almost all the Euroing situation.

To keep down the Tory faction at home and ultimately to secure in an

pean governments. At no period has America stood on effectual manner our national rights against England,

higher ground abroad than now. peace is equally necessary.

- Ibid.,

I thirst for America, and I hope that the time is not

distant when I may again see her shores and enjoy pp. 482-83.

the blessings which are found only there. · June 20, Gallatin had an interview with the [He remained as minister in France, however, till 1823.] Emperor Alexander in London. Of it he

- Adams' Life of Gallatin, p. 565. writes:

Gallatin to his wife, from Washington, Jan. His friendly dispositions toward the United States

uary 24, 1824: are unimpaired. He earnestly wishes that peace may be

Mr. Crawford is mending slowly. His made between them and England; but he does not give friends are not perfectly easy about his final recovery,

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