limits. Others, who now figure in the field of the Congrefs, were, and would have continued, ftill more obfcure. By what magic is it then, that thofe people, who are reprefented as violent republicans, as levellers in principle, who are faid to abhor all thofe diftinctions which cuftom and authority have established in other parts of the world, fhould all at once have changed their nature, and, what is perhaps ftill more extraordinary, have fubdued their prejudices, fo as to refign all their faculties of thinking, and powers of acting, to to a few unknown defpots ?

The anfwer, they faid, was obvious, and was merely this, that the affertion was falfe; and that it was at the fame time fo palpably abfurd, as not to merit a ferious refutation. The Americans had been driven by oppreffion to a vindication of their rights; and, at length, by our invincible perfeverance, in the madnefs and injuftice of our conduct, to a defence of them by arms. In this fituation, driven together by common danger and calamity, and compelled to the laft refource of which human nature is capable, they were under the fame neceffity, which all people (even favages, in their original state of nature and equality) ever have been, and muft ever continue to be, in fimilar circumftances, of creating leaders, to conduct their public affairs, and to command their armies. Thefe leaders, can have no other powers than what the people think fitting and neceffary to intruft them with. Their reprefentatives in the Provincial affemblies, are elected an. nually; the general Congrefs ex

pires with the year, At that period, all power returns again to the people at large, who again delegate it in fuch proportions, and to fuch perfons, as they think proper. Thus, thofe fuppofed tyrants, who are reprefented as trampling equally upon all laws, and upon the necks of the people, as governing them with rods of fcorpions, and practifing upon them a defpotifm, fcarcely known in the oldest established tyrannies, are no other, than their own public officers and fervants, appointed at their will, and removable at their pleasure. With what face then has the Minifter approached Parliament, or ventured to infult Majefly, with fo unqualified and fhamclefs an impofition.

In the fame fpirit, faid they, of impofing upon, and with the addioral defign of irritating the nation, it is advanced, that the Americans have rejected, with circumftances of indignity and infult, the means of conciliation held out to them under the commiffion. This falfehood, they faid, was engrafted upon a fimilar one of the preceding feffion, by which it was held out, that terms of accommodation would be referred to the confideration of parliament. Though this was neither defigned nor effected, yet to nourish the delufion of the people, a folitary claufe was thrown into the capture act, empowering the crown to appoint Commiffioners to grant pardons; a matter to which it was as fully competent, without, as with an Act of Parliament. Thus, the boasted means of conciliation, which the Americans had fo ungratefully and contumaciously rejected, were nothing more than [G] 2 a naked

a naked offer of pardon, upon terms, the very idea of which are abhorrent to the nature of every fubject of this free government. The Minifters well knew that they would never voluntarily accept the terms of unconditional fubmiffion, and they intentionally drove them, though they dare neither avow the defign nor the motives, to the only remaining alternative of refiftance, and its carcely avoidable confequence, the declaration of independence. To prevent, however, the poflibility of any change of difponition, the effect of any alleviating circumflances, and to render them totally enraged and defperate, the commition, fuch as it Was, and the Commitioners, were detained for feveral months, until the whole fytem of irritation and punishment of the penal laws, inCluding what they called) the indicriminice 199ake and crucly of the Ciptore Act, by which they Were decia od cavalós, pet out of the portion of the law, and Phen popeste Þe'd cac as a cON

A OG ANNAPOs, Aaronder g downer geval and

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happiness, or lived under a milder government, than the revolted colonies, in fupport of which their improvement in arts, their number, their wealth, and their strength by fea and land, were brought in proof, was faid to imply a virtual and moft juft cenfure on the conduct of administration. Upon what principle of wifdom or policy was fuch a people forced into rebellion? This power and greatnefs, which compofed a part of our own, and which was not to be equalled in the hiftory of colonization by any other people, owed its growth to the just and equal fyftem of the English laws and conftitution, and to the bleffings of a mild and equitable government. Why was this admirable fyftem of wisdom and equity, which produced fuch noble, nay wonderful effects, departed from? The fpeech holds out, that the prefent measures are intended to redore the blethings of law and liberty to America. Why were the blamings interrupted? Will their being offered at the point of the bavocet increase their value? War was the fair fabrick which had been the work of fo many Ages deroved, in order to ree list & that by the word, which

ence and good government, IN LAS Kemed to fix for

Uwe amierble and pacific fen

CHORS IN to get powers, 2 me tha 1 Europe was 2 dies i act & manner, as be poke the mat immeulise deign or ape Nadel-bar, at haltinct, was equally mai pri di un represented that princiue of ds

nifter's actions gave the most direct and unqualified contradiction to his words. At the very time, that he was holding out this delufive appearance of fecurity to parliament, the whole nation was alarmed and thrown into confufion, and its commerce ruined, by the unexpected issue of prefs warrants, together with the unufual circumftances of rigour and violence with which they were carried into execution. Here his conduct is open and undifguifed, and removes at once that veil of deception which involves his declarations.

The expectation of unanimity from the prefent fituation of affairs, was treated as a matter of unbecoming levity, as well as of difrefpect to thofe to whom it was directed. Was ever any thing more truly ridiculous, (faid the Oppofition) than the calling for unanimity in measures, becaufe thofe measures had been uniformly productive of all the mifchiefs which have been foreseen and predicted? As we have uniformly oppofed, faid they, the whole train of these destructive measures, in explaining the motives of our conduct, we have as conftantly ftated their natural confequences, which amounted to an exact prediction of all thofe evils that have enfued. No prophecies were ever more accurately fulfilled. And now, when the empire is fevered, America for ever loft, when diftraction prevails at home, and ruin farrounds us without, the Minifter, with a degree of facetioufnefs and humour, which might obtain credit in another place, and upon other occafions, takes it for granted, that we fhall now be unanimous, in the fupport of that ruinous

fyftem, and the profecution of thofe deftructive measures, which have already brought on all our calamities.

It was infifted, that nothing could fave this country, from still more fatal confequences than those which it had already experienced, but an immediate recal of the armies from America, a repeal of all the penal and obnoxious laws against that people, and a full reftoration of their charters and rights. That thefe measures, operating upon the established habits, and upon the natural affection of the Americans, might still prove the means of re uniting the fevered parts of the empire. But that if irritation, a bitterness proceeding from the loffes they have fuftained, and the cruelties they fuffered, with a relifh for the novel sweetnefs of power and command, and a knowledge of their strength, fhould operate fo far on the fide of the Americans, as to render this confummation (which of all others was the most devoutly to be wifhed) impracticable, if fuch was found to be our unhappy fituation, nothing in that cafe was left to be done, upon any principle of found reafon and right policy, but immediately to acknowledge their independence, and by concluding a commercial and federal treaty of union with them, again to collect together fuch fmall part as could yet be retained of thofe glorious advantages, which in the high career of our pride, injuftice and madnefs, we had fcattered abroad.

we

It availed nothing now, they faid, to reflect upon what were, or what we had loft; we muft conform ourfelves with prudence to our prefent fituation, or

[C] 3

get

get into a worse. Unwife conduct, and evil counfels, generally brought on their own punishment. We must now fubmit, however disagreeable to our feeling, to that chaftifement which we have too justly merited. The more we truggle, and the longer we perfift in the obstinacy of error, the greater fhall we find the meafure of our punishment; nor will it in a little time be circumfcribed within any rule of proportion.

They ftrongly afferted, that a war with the whole Houfe of Bourbon, in conjunction with our late friends and fellow - fubjects the Americans, must be the inevita ble, and not diftant, confequence of a perfeverance in our prefent meafures. Our ally, Portugal, whom we were bound by every tie to protect, was already menaced with immediate danger. If we even fubmitted to the degradation in the eyes of all Europe, of facrificing our ally, our faith, and our interell, to prefent apprehention of danger, that would afford no permanent fecurity, as the prefent conduct of France and Spain, the nature of their preparations, and the fupport which they already af. forded the Americans, fufficiently fhewed the part which they would take in our unhappy civil conten

tion.

Were we now then in a condition, when we found curfelves unable, with all the affitance we could derive from our mercenary auxiliaries, only to reduce our own revolted fubjects, to encounter the whole force of the House of Bourbon, united with that of the Americans? Our national defence by fea and land lay now in America, and in a great micafure at the mercy

of those two powers. Was this then a feafon, with an accumulating debt, a decreasing revenue, an exhaufture of our refources, with divided counfels, and a distracted people at the verge of political defpair, to engage in fo arduous a content? In fo dire and calamitous a fituation, a speedy reconciliation, upon any terms, with the colonies, was the only means left of political falvation. Grievous and painful though the lofs of America would be, it was not, however, the upfhot of calamity. The queftion of the Americans being our friends, or being in confirmed enmity, and in compact with our natural enemies, went perhaps to that of our existence as a ftate.

Upon these and many other grounds, they reprobated the propofed addreffes in both houses, which they charged with fubfcribing to the ill-founded panegyricks which the Minifters had compofed upon themfelves in the fpeech, with involving the nation in a continuance of the fame ruinous measures which had occafioned all its calamities, and with giving a parliamentary fanction to a number of mifreprefentations and fallacies, calculated merely to amufe, deceive, miflead, or inflame the peo. ple. Whilft they contended, that the amendments would afford that time and opportunity to parliament, which their duty, a proper regard to their own dignity, and the alarming ftate of public affairs, all equally demanded, for enquiring diligently into the ftate of the nation, tracing the fources of our prefent calamities, and for confider ing and devifing all poffible means of averting the innumerable dan

gers

On the other fide, the fpeech was defended in all its parts; its veracity, prudence, juftice, and magnanimity, being equally fupported and applauded. It was affirmed to be replete with the trongest marks of found policy and royal wisdom, as well as with indubitable proofs of the greatest paternal regard and tenderness, for the profperity, happiness, and freedom, of all the fubjects of this empire, however remote or feparated. The amendment to the addrefs was oppofed, as bringing matters forward, which, for the prefent, formed no part of the bufinefs before parliament. If MiIf Minifters had neglected their duty; if they fuffered themfelves to be deceived; or if they mifled parlia. ment; thefe, or any of them, might be proper objects of enquiry at a fuitable and convenient feafon. But this was neither the time, nor could thofe matters be the proper fubject of the prefent addrefs. The only queftion now before them, that was worthy of debate, was very fimple in its na. ture, comprizable in a fmall compafs, and eafily decided. It was only, whether we chofe to refign all the benefits which we derived from our colonies, all thofe fruits, to which our vast expenditure of blood and treasure in their nurture and defence, gave us a moft legal and equitable right, and by truckling to the defiance and infult hurled at us by the Americans, cut off at once the fources of our power and opulence, and fubmit of confequence to a degradation from that rank which we now hold in the political fyftem of mankind, or whe

Thefe, fay they, are the great objects under the confideration of parliament. The declaration of independency has done away all other queftions on the American fubject. Taxation, legal rights, charters, and acts of navigation, are now no more. That whirlpool has fwallowed them all within its vortex it was only through the strength derived from her colonies, that this nation was enabled to hold a first place among the greateft powers in Europe. Take them away, and the finks into nothing. Her very existence, as an independent nation, will be at ftake. It is only now then to be determined, whether, without an effort, we fhall fubmit ingloriously to inevitable ruin, or whether, by a vigorous exertion, we retain qur ufual power and fplendor.

It was not, however, doubted, that, even independently of motives of intereft and fafety, the unparalleled bafenefs and ingratitude of the Americans, with the daring infolency of their conduct, would roufe the British spirit in fuch a manner that it would take speedy and effectual measures for their chaftifement. But, notwithstanding that the atrocioufnefs of their crimes would nearly justify any feverity of punishment, it was ftill wifhed, that when brought to a proper knowledge of their duty and condition, they should be [C] 4

treated