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there should be such divisions and factions, more dangerous and threatening to her dominions than if we were under an arbitrary government, is most strange and unaccountable. Under an arbitrary prince all are willing to serve, because all are under a necessity to obey, whether they will or not. He chooses there. fore whom he will, without respect to either parties or factions; and if he think fit to take the advices of his councils or parliaments, every man speaks his mind freely, and the prince receives the faithful advice of his people, without the mixture of self designs. If he prove a good prince, the government is easy; if bad, either death or a revolution brings a deliverance: whereas here, my lord, there appears no end of our misery, if not prevented in time. Factions are now become independent, and have got footing in councils, in parliaments, in treaties, in armies, in incorporations, in families, among kindred; yea, man and wife are not free from their political jars.

It remains, therefore, my lord, that I inquire into the nature of these things; and since the names give us not the right idea of the thing, I am afraid I shall have difficulty to make myself well understood.

The names generally used to denote the factions, are whig and tory; as obscure as that of guelfs and ghibelines ; yea, my lord, they have different significations, as they are applied to factions in each kingdom. A whig in England is a heterogeneous creature: in Scotland he is all of a piece. A tory in England is all of a piece, and a statesman : in Scotland he is quite otherwise; an anticourtier and antistatesman.

A whig in England appears to be somewhat like Nebuchadnezzar's image, of different metals, differ. ent classes, different principles, and different designs; yet, take them all together, they are like a piece of some mixed drugget of different threads; some finer, some coarser, which after all make a comely appearance, and an agreeable suit. Tory is like a piece of loyal home-made English cloth, the true staple of the nation, all of a thread ; yet if we look narrowly into it, we shall perceive a diversity of colours, which,

according to the various situations and positions, make various appearances. Sometimes tory is like the moon in its full; as appeared in the affair of the bill of occasional conformity. Upon other occasions, it appears to be under a cloud, and as if it were eclipsed by a greater body; as it did in the design of calling over the illustrious princess Sophia. However, by this we may see their designs are to out-shoot whig in his own bow.

Whig, in Scotland, is a true blue presbyterian, who, without considering time or power, will venture his all for the kirk, but something less for the state. The greatest difficulty is how to describe a Scots tory. Of old, when I knew them first, tory was an honest hearted comradish fellow, who, provided he was maintained and protected in his benefices, titles, and dignities, by the state, he was the less anxious who had the government and management of the church; but now, what he is since jure divino came in fashion, and that christianity, and by consequence salvation, comes to depend upon episcopal ordination, I profess I know not what to make of him; only this I must say for him, that he endeavours to do by opposition, that which his brother in England endeavours by a more prudent and less scrupulous method.

Now, my lord, from these divisions, there has got up a kind of aristocracy, something like the famous triumvirate at Rome; they are a kind of undertakers and pragmatick statesmen, who, finding their power and strength great, and answerable to their designs, will make bargains with our gracious sovereign; they will serve her faithfully, but upon their own terms; they must have their own instruments, their own mea. sures. This man must be turned out, and that man put in, and then they will make her the most glorious queen in Europe.

Where will this end, my lord ? Is not her majesty in danger by such a method ? Is not the monarchy in danger? Is not the nation's peace and tranquillity in danger? Will a change of parties make the nation more happy? No, my lord. The seed is sown, that

is like to afford us a perpetual increase: it is not an annual herb, it takes deep root; it seeds and breeds, and if not timely prevented by her majesty's royal endeavours, will split the whole island in two.

My lord, I think, considering our present circum. stances at this time, the Almighty God has reserved this great work for us. We may bruise this hydra of division, and crush this cockatrice's egg. Our neighbours in England are not yet fitted for any such thing; they are not under the afflicting hand of Providence, as we are; their circumstances are great and glorious; their treaties are prudently managed, both at home and abroad; their generals brave and va. lorous, their armies successful and victorious; their trophies and laurels memorable and surprising ; their enemies subdued and routed, their strong holds besieged and taken. Sieges relieved, marshals killed and taken prisoners ; provinces and kingdoms are the results of their victories. Their royal navy is the terrour of Europe ; their trade and commerce extended through the universe, encircling the whole habitable world, and rendering their own capital city the emporium for the whole inhabitants of the earth; and which is yet more than all these things, the subjects freely bestowing their treasure upon their sovereign; and above all, these vast riches, the sinews of war, and without which all the glorious success had proved abortive, these treasures are managed with such faithfulness and nicety, that they answer seasonably all their demands, though at never so great a distance. Upon these considerations, my lord, how hard and difficult a thing will it prove to persuade our neighbours to a self-denying bill.

'Tis quite otherwise with us, my lord, as we are an obscure poor people, though formerly of better account, removed to a distant corner of the world, without name, and without alliances; our posts mean and precarious; so that I profess I don't think any one post in the kingdom worth the briguing after, * save

* Seeking for.

that of being commissioner to a long session of a factious Scots parliament, with an antedated commission, and that yet renders the rest of the ministers more miserable. What hinders us then, my lord, to lay aside our divisions, to unite cordially and heartily together in our present circumstances, when our all is at stake. Hannibal, my lord, is at our gates-Hannibal is come within our gates—Hannibal is come the length of this table>He is at the foot of the throne. He will de. molish the throne, if we take not notice. He will seize upon these regalia.

regalia. He will take them as our spolia opima, and whip us out of this house, never to return again.

For the love of God, then, my lord, for the safety and welfare of our ancient kingdom, whose sad circumstances I hope we shall yet convert into prosperity and happiness! We want no means if we unite. God blessed the peace makers. We want neither men, nor sufficiency of all manner of things necessary to make a nation happy. All depends upon management; concordia res parvæ crescunt. I fear not these articles, though they were ten times worse than they are, if we once cordially forgive one another, and that according to our proverb, Bygones be Bygones, and fair play for time to come. For my part, in the sight of God, and in the presence of this honourable house, I heartily forgive every man, and beg that they may do the same to me; and I do most humbly propose, that his grace, my lord commissioner, may appoint an agape, may order a love feast for this honour. ble house, that we may lay aside all self designs, and after our fasts and humiliations, may have a day of rejoicing and thankfulness; may eat our meat with gladness, and our bread with a merry heart. Then shall we sit each man under his own fig tree, and the voice of the turtle shall be heard in our land, a bird famous for constancy and fidelity.

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