military. Accordingly, he says: "During the war, Governor Andrew commissioned me to write a history of the militia with a scheme for its improvement.' This led to a great amount of labor, and at last to the publication, in 1864, of a monograph of one hundred and thirty pages, entitled "The Militia of the United States: What it has been: What it should be." In this he "laid down what he considered to be the true basis for a satisfactory militia system; urging, especially, reduction in numbers, uniformity in organization, the furnishing by the general government of arms and equipments, the framing of a code of tactics expressly for the militia, the creation of a general militia staff, and rudimentary instruction in tactics in every public school. Large use of his labors was made by the Commission which had much to do with framing the existing militia law of Massachusetts." 1 For many years afterwards Colonel Lee, availing himself of our receptive newspapers, continued to pour liberal contributions into the ocean of literature on this subject.

1 "Memorial History of Boston," III, 328.

CHAPTER IV

INTEREST IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS

AFTER his retirement from Governor Andrew's staff, Colonel Lee held only two other offices in public life. One of these was as a member of the State Legislature, to which he was elected from the Ninth District of the County of Suffolk, and in 1877 was re-elected. In 1876 he was on the Committee on Banks and Banking; in 1877 he was on the joint Committee on the Hoosac Tunnel and Troy and Greenfield Railroad; and in both years he was on the joint Committee on Military Affairs. This last committee took much testimony as to proposed changes, interest in the subject being very lively for the moment; but these labors were contributory rather than final, for the permanent law was not passed until 1878.

Mentioning these two legislative terms in certain memoranda in his later years, Colonel Lee added that, "having like his ancestors little taste for public life, he has since declined various official positions of a public nature." What these positions were one would like to know. They could hardly have been any which the manipulating politicians of either party could have blockaded against him. He was precisely the kind of man whom they detested, and he could hardly have

achieved in their despite a lasting success in public life. He was too unmanageably upright, independent and outspoken; and in the mixed and questionable company which constitutes the "machine" he would soon have been at odds with every component part, down to the smallest pin. Fortunately by holding aloof from competition for office he at least avoided the uselessness attendant upon the reputation of being a disappointed seeker, or a wrong-headed and whimsical "kicker." It is not, however, to be fancied that he was one of those who assume to sneer at others who engage in the public service. His attitude was the direct opposite of that depreciation which some persons like to affect. He thought himself unfit for such tasks, and he lamented this supposed unfitness, and spoke with generous and hearty admiration of his friends and acquaintance who accepted and faithfully labored in positions of public usefulness.

His interest in public affairs suffered no diminution down to the end of his life. With a very fervid temperament and having strong, clear convictions about every measure and every man, he constantly made his opinions public, and in so doing exercised a varying, but generally a considerable, influence in eastern Massachusetts. Meeting daily, in the way of talk, an unusually large number of persons, he had abundant opportunities of uttering his views, and those who remember him will bear witness that he availed himself of those opportunities with much eloquence and persistence. As a frequent writer for the newspapers he reached a wider audience. These illimitable news