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Upon no point, if We are to speak our sincere opinion, is the task more easily to be executed, or in a less compass, than in what relates to Foreign Politics.

In other times, the relations of States to each other have been matter of great study, and difficulty; have been embarrassed with a diversity of views, and a complication of interests, which it might require much experience to calculate, and much political sagacity to recon

cile.

At present, there is but one relation among all the States of Europe:-one at least there is so paramount, as to confound and swallow up all inferior considerations. FRANCE IS BENT ON THE CONQUEST AND RUIN OF

THEM ALL.

To repel this Conquest, to ward off this ruin, various means are tried, according to the power or the prudence of the different Nations. War, Treaty, Supplication, Bribery, timid Neutrality, implicit Submission, and, finally, an Incorporation into the Map of the Great Republic, are all at this moment exemplified in the conduct of the Countries which surround us.

Our lot, a lot imposed upon us by necessity, but which, if it were not so imposed upon us, whoever is not blind, judicially blind to the conduct of France towards us, and every other Country, would claim by choice, is WAR.

The relation in which we may stand to the other States of Europe, or they to each other, is comparatively of little moment. They may reciprocate Missions, and propose Treaties,-the Ligurian Republic may make Peace or War with the Cisalpine the Cisalpine with the Roman; either of them with the KING of SARDINIA, with Tuscany, or with Naples; and the greater Powers may mediate, or embroil the quarrel, may offer their protection,

VOL. II.

T t

protection, and talk of their Dignity:-But the question does not lie there.-France has the power and the will to controul, to oppress them altogether; to limit or extend their Boundaries, as she sees good; to approve or annul their Internal Regulations, as well as their stipulations with each other: And while she has that power, whether it be by strength in herself, or by the sufferance of others; whether she may choose to vex and harass them in mass, or detail; to keep peace between them, pr to set them at variance; to work their revolutions by her own arms, or to delegate that sacred office to their neighbours; or, finally, to insist upon their performing it each for themselves; the result to us is the same. The People of Europe are equally enslaved;—it matters not whether they are manacled separately, or bolted to the links of a long chain which connects and coerces them in a fellowship of misery.

Mortalia corda

Per gentes bumilis stravit pavor.

To Us, the relation of these unhappy Powers, is either that of Friends forced into a Foreign Army to fight against us, or placed, hand-cuffed, on the Deck of a Line of Battle Ship to receive our fire-or it is that of a Captive languishing in a Dungeon against which We are making an attack, and who does not dare to acknowledge his Friend, till he can hail him as his Deliverer.

The Contest between Great Britain and France, then, is not for the existence of the former only, but for the Freedom of the World. To look to partial Interests, to talk of partial Successes, as bearing upon the main object and general issue of the War, is to take a narrow and

pitiful

pitiful view of the most momentous and most tremendous subject that ever was brought under the consideration of mankind.

If Great Britain, insensible of what she owes to herself and to the World, flinches (for she cannot fall), in the Contest; she throws away not herself alone, but the peace and happiness of Nations. If she maintain herself stoutly; to speculate on the mode, the time, the means by which success adequate to the immensity of the object at stake is to be attained, were indeed presumptuous;-but We risk, without apprehension of being thought sanguine in our hopes and expectations, or of being contradicted by the event, the sentiment of the greatest Orator of ancient times" It is not, it cannot be possible, that an "Empire founded on injustice, on rapacity, on perfidy, "on the contempt and disregard of every thing sacred "towards God, or among Men;-it is not possible that such an Empire should endure."

FINIS.

INDEX.

A

ABUSE, a new and approved method of conveying, vol. i,

page 502.

Acme and Septimius, or the Happy Union, vol. 1, p. 452.
Advertisements; Government strenously advised to withdraw
them from the Jacobin Papers, vol. 2, p. 119.

Advertisements, Government; withdrawn from the Jacobin
Papers, vol. 2, p. 308, 490.

Address of the City of Londonderry to Lord Camden, vol. 1,
p. 356. His Lordship's Reply, 358.
Ad-r, Mr. Robert, tries to imitate Mr. Burke's Stile, vol. 1,

P. 377-fails egregiously-mistakes a coffin for a corpse-
transmutes the head of the House of Ruffell into lead, p.
378-writes half a letter to Mr. Fox-and puts the world
in high good humour, p. 422.

Agricola; his Letter on the advantages of a well-regulated
economy, vol. 1, p. 583.

Anecdotes respecting Lord Duncan's victory, vol. 1, p. 38,
107.

Appropriate Speech-See Lord William Russell.

Assessed Taxes; benefits arising from trebling them, vol. 1,
p. 16-horrible effects of, vol. 1, p. 347, 503.
Assessed Taxes evaded by the Duke of Bedford-See Bedford,
Duke of.

Bachelor;

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