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THE progress of historical literature is rarely commensurate with that of event. Quotidian incidents, indeed, obtain that rapid, but transient, publication which they require: to diffuse them through space, and not through time, is the most eligible plan of record: speedy notoriety, not lasting celebrity, is their proper destination. But the wars of the barbaric, or the factions of the intellectual leaders of men; the ebb and flow of geographical boundary, or the growth and decay of sects of opinion, can seldom find a worthy annalist during the busy equipoise of conflict; but must usually await the leisure of peace, and the impartial investigation of distance and tranquillity.

It ought not therefore to appear surprising, that of the events which have lately shaken Europe to the center, and meted out the world anew, we should as yet possess so few accounts. Names in the mouths of every one, deeds of admirable enthusiasm and atrocity, have scarcely found a place in the scroll of history. The friend of despotism fears to begin, the friend of liberty to end, the narrative; philosophy blushes at her struggle, and religion at her triumph. One work, however, of excellent execution, has appeared on the subject of the French Revolution; the voluminous annals of M. Bertrand de Moleville. They comprehend a clear, a full, a documented, a well-proportioned account of the domestic movement of the revolution: they display a complete knowledge of the state of Paris, of its parties, of its agitators: the public papers and fragments of oratory warped into the text, are selected with taste: and repressive Tory prejudices keep under the dangerous interest of the narration. The elder Soulavie has published a life' of Louis XVI. of which the fifth volume, containing an account of the revolutions of Geneva, alone adds something to the stock of circulating knowledge. The overthrow of the republics of Schwytz, Ury, and Unterwald, has been related with classical sympathy. Mr. Ranken continues his ancient history of France; though an antiquary, he knows how to condense. Sir Robert Wilson has narrated the Ægyptian campaign with the unaffected propriety of a Xenophon, and with a frankness which his country would both defend and applaud.

Next to contiguity of date, contiguity of place constitutes the most powerful source of historic interest: we ought, therefore, previously to have mentioned the Reign of George the Third, by Adolphus; a work much resembling, in the merit and manner of its execution, the annals of M. Bertrand; but it has less flow, animation, and rapidity, more detail, and more reference. Coote's History of the Union with Ireland narrates that cotemporary event, of all others, most cha

racteristic of the amelioration of human society, the voluntary incorporation of two independent countries, accomplished by the arms of reason alone. Had the republics of Holland and of Switzerland so exchanged a federal for an incorporate union, Batavia and Helvetia might still have retained their independence; because they would have been able to direct to the national defence the whole mass of public force. Turner has treated anew, and illustrated with micrological research, the intrusion of the Anglo-Saxon dynasties, Adams has constructed on a wise plan an epitome of English history, for the use of schools; with him sove reigns are only the mile-posts that measure the road of ages, but useful inventions, celebrated productions and individual merit are the monuments for the traveller to attend to in his progress. Mavor's Greek and Roman History have an ana logous destination, and are composed with declamatory elegance. The History of Hindostan has been continued by the indefatigable pen of Mr. Maurice; his vague research and rhetoric colours give a high value to the somewhat rude and indigest mass of his materials. The Asiatic Annual Register will import for some future Maurice the basis of a chronicle less painful to philanthropy, where conquest brings not the knapsack of plunder, but the cornucopia of commerce, To our knowledge of Russia, and to a more equitable estimate of the mischievous reign of Catharine, the Secret Memoirs of Petersburg have much contributed like the authors of the French Revolution, she planned and left undone every thing desirable.

To our statistical knowledge of the earth Mr. Pinkerton's Geography is a contribution worthy of the country, of the age, and of the prophetic expectations of Gibbon. The research displayed is ubiquitary, the materials are judiciously proportioned, the antiquarian comments are full of originality, and the practical suggestions full of good sense. For the diplomatic estimate of Europe, Mr.Gentz has assisted much; of America, Mr. Henderson, something. The state of San Domingo, Rainsford has described, and the author of The Crisis has converted into Topic of Alarm; that of Brazil is pourtrayed with florid brilliancy by Cunha. Sir Frederic Morton Eden has defended the peace too well for the recommencers of hostile practices. Dallas's Letter to Pulteney sheds amenity on the commercial controversies of the India House: and Thornton's Essay on Paper Credit com prises important information. Collections of State Papers are made as usual: Observations on the Poor, on the Peace, on the General Election, abound; and party-pamphlets, as in Young's time,

"Burn, hiss and bounce, waste paper, stink and die.”

ART. I. Elements of General History, ancient and modern; to which are added a Table of Chronology, and a comparative View of Ancient and Modern Geography, illustrated by Maps. By ALEXANDER FRASER TYTLER, 2 vols. 8vo.

THE lectures of which this work contains an outline, were delivered for many years in the university of Edinburgh; they respect the philosophy of history, and include a sketch of the leading events which have affected the formation and progress of nations. The plan of the course is thus detailed by the author: ANN, REV, VOL. I.

"Two opposite methods have been fol lowed in giving academical lectures on the study of history; the one a strict chronological arrangements of events, upon the plan of disquisitions on the various heads or titles of Turselline's Epitome; the other a series of public law, and the doctrines of politics; illustrated by examples drawn from ancient and modern history. Objections occur to

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both these methods; the former furnishes only a dry chronicle of events, which nothing connects together but the order of time. The latter is insufficient for the most important purposes of history, the tracing events to their causes, the detection of the springs of human actions, the display of the progress of society, and of the rise and fall of states and empires. Finally, by confining history to the exemplification of the doctrines of politics, we lose its effect as a school of morals. "In the following lectures, we hold a middle course between these extremes, and endeavour, by remedying the imperfection of cach, to unite, if possible, the advantages of both.

While so much regard is had to chronology, as is necessary for showing the progress of mankind in society, and communicating just ideas of the state of the world in all the different ages to which authentic history extends, we shall, in the delineation of the rise and fall of empires, and their revolutions, pay more attention to the connection of subject than that of time.

"In this view, we must reject the common meil ol of arranging general history according to epochs or eras.

"When this world is viewed at any period, either of ancient or modern history, we generally observe one nation or empire pretiominant, to whom all the rest bear, as it were, an under part, and to whose history we find that the principal events in the annals of other nations, may be referred from some natural connection. This predominant empire or state it is proposed to exhibit to view as the principal object, whose history is, therefore, to be more fully delineated, while the rest are only incidentally touched when they come to have a natural connection with the principal.

The Jewish history, belonging to a different department of academical education, enters not into the plan of these lectures, though we often resort to the sacred writings for detached facts, illustrative of the manners of ancient nations.

"In the ancient world, among the profane nations, the Greeks are the carliest people who make a distinguished figure, and whose history is at the same time authentic.

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"The Grecian history is pursued through all the revolutions of the nation, till Greece becomes a province of the Roman empire.

"Political reflections applicable to the history of the states of Greece; progress of the Greeks in the arts; of the Greek poets, historians, philosophers.

"Rome, after the conquest of Greece, becomes the leading object of attention.

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Origin of the Romans. Nature of their government under the kings. Easy substi tution of the consular for the regal dignity. Subsequent changes in the constitution. Progress to a democracy. Extension of the Roman arms. Conquest of Italy. Wars with foreign nations.

The Punic wars open a collateral view to the history of Carthage, and of Sicily. "Success of the Roman arms in Asia, Macedonia, and Greece. Opulence of the republic from her conquests, and corruption of her manners. The civil wars, and ruin of the commonwealth.

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Particulars which mark the genius and national spirit of the Romans; education, laws, literary character, art of war, public and private manners.

Rome under the emperors. Artful policy by which the first emperors disguised their absolute authority. Decline of the ambitious character of the Romans. Easy submission to the loss of civil liberty. The military spirit purposely abased by the emperors. The empire divided, becomes a languid body, without internal vigour. The Gothic nations pour down from the north. Italy conquered successively by the Heruli, Ostrogothis, and Lombards. Extinction of the western empire.

"The manners, genius, laws, and government of the Gothic nations, form an important object of inquiry, from their influence on the manners and policy of the modern European kingdoms.

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In the delineation of modern history, the leading objects of attention are more serious, the scene is oftener changed; nations too, which for a while occupy the chief attention, become for a time subordinate, and afterwards re-assume their rank as principal, yet the same plan is pursued as in the department of ancient history. The picture is occupied only by one great object at a time, to which all the rest hold an inferior rank, and are taken notice of only when connected with the principal.

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Upon the fall of the western empire, the Saracens are the first who distinguish themselves by the extension of their conquests, and the splendor of their dominion.

"While the Saracens extend their arms in the east and in Africa, a new empire of the west is formed by Charlemagne. The rise and progress of the monarchy of the Franks. The origin of the feudal system. the European manners in the age of Charle

State of

magne. Government, arts and sciences, li

terature.

"As collateral objects of attention, we survey the remains of the Roman empire in the east; the conquests and settlements of the Normans; the foundation and progress of the temporal dominion of the church of Rome; the conquest of Spain by the Sara

eens.

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The conquest of England by the Normans, solicits our attention to the history of Britain. Retrospective view of the British history, from its earliest period to the end of the Anglo-Saxon government in England. Observations on the government, laws, and manners of the Anglo-Saxons.

"Collateral view of the state of the continental kingdoms of Europe, during the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries. France under the Capetian race of monarchs. Conquests of the Normans in Italy and Sicily. State of the northern kingdoms of Europe. The eastern empire. Empire of Germany. Disputes of supremacy between the popes and the emperors.

"The history of Britain still the principal object of attention. England under the kings of the Norman line, and the first princes of the Plantagenet branch. The conquest of Ireland under Henry II. introduces an anticipated progressive view of the political connection between England and Ireland down to the present time. As we proceed in the delineation of the British history, we note particularly those circumstanres which mark the growth of the English constitution.

"At this period all the kingdoms of Europe join in the crusades. A brief account is given of those enterprises. Moral and political effects of the crusades, on the nations of Europe. Origin of chivalry, and rise of romantic fiction.

"Short connected sketch of the state of the European nations after the crusades. Rise of the House of Austria. Decline of the feudal government in France. Establishment of the Swiss republics. Disorders in the popedom. Council of Constance.

"The history of Britain resumed. England under Henry III. and Edward I. The conquest of Wales. The history of Scotland at this period intimately connected with that of England. View of the Scottish history, from Malcolm Canmore to Robert Bruce. State of both kingdoms during the reigns of Edward II. and III. The history of France connected with that of Britain. France itself won by Henry V.

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The state of the east at this period affords the most interesting object of attention. The progress of the Ottoman arms retarded for a while by the conquests of Tamerlane, and of Scanderbeg. The Turks prosecute their victories under Mahoinet the Great, to the total extinction of the Constantinopoli

tan empire. The constitution and policy of the Turkish empire.

"France, in this age, emancipates herself from the feudal servitude, and Spain, from the union of Arragon and Castile, and the fall of the kingdom of the Moors, becomes one monarchy, under Ferdinand and Isabella.

"The history of Britain is resumed. Sketch of the history of England down to the reign of Henry VIII.; of Scotland, during the reigns of the five Jameses. Delineation of the ancient constitution of the Scottish government.

"The end of the fifteenth century is a remarkable æra in the history of Europe. Learning and the sciences underwent at that time a very rapid improvement; and after ages of darkness shone out at once with surprising lustre. A connected view is presented of the progress of literature in Europe, from its revival down to this period. In the same age, the advancement of navigation, and the course to India by the Cape of Good Hope, explored by the Portuguese, affects the commerce of all the European kingdoms.

"The of Charles V. unites, in one age connected view, the affairs of Germany, of Spain, of France, of England, and of Italy. The discovery of the new world, the refor mation in Germany and in England, and the splendor of the fine arts under the pontificate of Leo X. render this period one of the most interesting in the annals of mankind.

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The pacification of Europe, by the treaty of Catteau Cambresis, allows us for a while to turn our attention to the state of Asia. A short progressive sketch is given of the history of India, within the Ganges, Persia, China, and Japan.

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Returning to Europe, the attention is directed to the state of the continental kingdoms; the age of Philip II. Spain, the Netherlands, France, and England, present a various and animated picture.

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England, under Elizabeth. The progress of the reformation in Scotland. The distracted reign of Mary Queen of Scots. The history of Britain pursued without interruption down to the revolution, and here closed by a sketch of the progress of the English constitution, and an examination of its nature at this period, when it became fixed and determined.

"The history of the southern continental kingdoms is brought down to the end of the reign of Louis XIV.; of the northern, to the conclusion of the reigns of Charles XII. of Sweden, and of Peter the Great, czar of Muscovy.

We finish this view of universal history, by a survey of the state of the arts and sciences; and of the progress of literature in Europe, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries."

This plan is then repeated in the more expanded shape of a syllabus, which forms a convenient remembrancer, or chronological list, free from references authorities, of the particulars that it seems most worth while to recollect out of the mass of historical information. The book is less adapted to the learner, than to the adept; it is not a substitute for historical reading; but it is a well-made abstract of what ought to be most impressive, and will resist the oblivion of the leading facts, and favour a judicious estimate of the principal occurrences.

The author tells us, at the end of his plan (p. 16), that he adopts the chronology of Usher; yet in his eleventh chapter he appears to have rejected the opinion of Usher, that the Darius of Herodotus is the Aha suerus of the book of Esther. The inference seems to be that Usher has not been much consulted; but that Rollin, and the current modern abridgements of the universal history, have supplied the chronology adopted. There was no occasion to prefer Usher; but if he is made the voucher, his theories should have been faithfully given. To this Darius ought to have been ascribed the extinction of the empire of Sardanapalus, or Esarhaddon; but these events are here narrated, as if Sardanapalus had long preceded him!

We are told (p. 58) that the Zendavesta teaches "a chastened Epicurism." The obvious sense of this expression is, that the Zend-avesta neither teaches the interference of the gods in human affairs, nor the doctrine of a future state; whereas it teaches both. Epicurism, if it means any thing, means the doctrine of those moralists, who place in a refined sensuality the supreme good. The Zend-avesta teaches the pre-existence of the soul, and very many self-denying rites, supposed to be conducive to its future restoration; it also teaches the doctrine of two principles; which is commonly called Manicheism; but which existed long before Manes, and was already received by the Jews at the time of Christ, and probably by his sectators. The book of Job is the earliest work of literature which implies this doctrine,

Xenophon, of all the Greeks the most accomplished character, because he united the bodily and the intellectual, the practical and the speculative, talents, in consummate perfection, is insufficiently Loticed (page 101). Greece produced

only individuals; not a system of poli tical stability; not laws, institutions, nations of account: her greatest glory, therefore, is her greatest individual.

In the Roman history the social war is insufficiently narrated; it was a civil war for parliamentary reform, and on many accounts deserves modern contemplation: the excellent patriot Drusus is not even mentioned. Despotism is too readily admitted to have set in with the kingship of the Cesarean dynasty; the deposition of Nero appears to have resulted from his unpopularity in the senate: a parliament which can depose a king is not yet an insignificant body. It deserves notice, though it is a mortifying fact, and has escaped Gibbon, that in the fatal reign of Arcadius and Honorius, the humane, the mild, the benevolent virtues had attained a high reputation, and that Telemachus was sainted for inveighing against gladiatorial sports.

The characteristic difference between ancient and modern nations is this, that in ancient nations every important change results from the interference of great individuals, who impress their views and pursuits on numerous partizans; whereas, in modern nations, every important change results from certain founders of opinions, who, in proportion as they are successful in forming numerous or important sects, find practical realizers of their views. In ancient times, excepting the case of the Christian religion, there is not an instance of a government overthrown by persons who had not themselves any concern in the revolution; but in modern times Luther convulsed Germany; Calvin, France; Knox, Scotland; and of late years Franklin and Paine made revolutions in America; Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Rous seau in France; to say nothing of less considerable instances, almost without any direct interference. The practical men were formerly, the speculative men are now, the agitators of states. This is a natural result of the introduction of printing. It should seem, therefore, that ancient history ought to be brought down to the invention of the printing press; and not to cease with the expiry of the Roman empire, because until that period it is individuals we have to contemplate; and afterwards, sects and parties.

In the account of the Gothic nations

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